Archive for June, 2008

Pasensya na Frank

June 30, 2008

(Para kay Frank, kung marunong siyang magbasa ng Hiligaynon, Filipino, Bikolano at Ingles)

Saburayninanya Frank!

Tingala man ko sa imong duros

Garo hangos

Kan sarong kuring

Na di basang namatean,

Narisa.

Mas baskog pa ngani su

Hungaw nuylectric fan samu.

Pero mas damu man ang imong

Tubig. Too big!

Daw overflowing na naknak, hali

Sa gadagal a lugad a

Hiniwa ng krisis

Sa bugas,

Sa politika,

Militar,

Pinansyal,

Sa moralidad,

Na dugay nang halit, hatid

Ng bagyong mas dambuhala pa

Saimo!

Frank!

Tanan nga problema,

Ikaw na ang napasimangdan.

Gabos na muda, sa iyo napunta.

Lahat ng luha, ika kuno ang nagpa-gwa.

Daw imo na lang tanan nga sala.

Ika na nasugo man sana.

Ika na napadaan lang naman.

Myentras na silang may gawa

Sa imo. Kag sa halit.

Ato tu sila!

Ga-enjoy!

Nakatawa.

Ewan

June 30, 2008

(para sa babaeng nagbigay liwanag pagkatapos dumaan ni Frank)

Di ko alam kung bakit.

Hindi ko inakalang matatagpuan kita

sa kusina kung saan naroon

ang pagkain.

Pero narun ka.  Kumikinang.

Una kong nakita ang iyong prinsipyo.  Naglalagablab.

Sunod kong nalaman ang iyong interes.  Ginintuan.

Saka ko napansin ang iyong mukha.  Marikit.

Ang iyong mata.  Mapanuri.

Ang iyong ngiti.  Matamis.

Ang iyong mga gawi.  Nakaka-aliw.

Ngunit sa isang kisap-mata, nawala ka.

At sa isang kisap-mata, nawala ako.

Nawala ang ngiti.  Ang saya.  Ang asa.

Ang panlasa.  Nawala ang lahat.

Wala nang pagkain sa kusina.

Di ko alam kung bakit

Wala ka na.

Ah gutom na ako.

At nag-iisa.

Di ko alam kung bakit.

To a Warrior Dying Old

June 30, 2008

BY ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

You were one of a kind as a warrior,
one who dared to venture
where even the fearless feared to tread.
You marched to the Devil’s den
for the cause of the heavens.
Without hesitation you courted the wrath
of the false gods, the usurpers of power:
you fought for the right “without question or pause,”
ever resting your faith
on the God of justice fighting by your side.

In memoriam: Danilo Poblete Vizmanos
(24 November 1928-23 June 2008)

Posted by Bulatlat

May Poot Dahil May Pagmamahal

June 30, 2008

NI RAUL FUNILAS
Inilathala ng Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Dahil ang POOT n’ya ay hindi marinig
Ng dupang pinunong sa kanya’y nagpiit
Doon sa sadlakan ng tulad n’yang labis
Ang tutol sa batas na walang matuwid

Tayo ay humanda sa kanyang paglaya
Dahil may ginawang mapoot na tula
Na ang hinuhuklas nitong talinhaga’y
Dadanak ng dugo sa ulilang lupa
Dahil nasa puso ang baying kawawa.

Kay Axel Pinpin kami’y maghahanda
Kabangkilas kami sa iyong paglaya
Inimpok mong POOT ating isagupa
Alang-alang sa ‘ting inahal na bansa.

Awit kay Axel Pinpin
Hunyo 23, 2008

Adik sa ‘Yo? Pag-ulit sa Pag-iiba-iba ng Talinghaga’t Haraya

June 30, 2008

(In Memoriam: Cherith Dayrit-Garcia)

NI E. SAN JUAN, JR.
Inilathala ng Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Di ko na hahanap-hanapin pa, Ka Leony,
buhat nang matagpuan ang duguang katawan mo sa Isabela –
Di na adik    ngunit sabik
malaman kung anong umakit sa iyong ihandog ang buhay
nang walang pakundangan

Mahigit 800 ang nalunod paglubog ng M/V Princess of the Stars –
Sobra na tama na, adios Manny Pacquiao!
Bawat pagpihit ng tadhana, ilang buhay ang lumilipas
ngunit sa anong dahilan o anong layon?
Adik pa ba? Sabik na madukot ka?
Sa telesineng terorista nina Glorya at mga berdugong heneral
walang bida kundi ang uring imperyalista’t alipuris –
Adik sa kalupitan at kasamaan….

Sabik sa inyo — Sherlyn Cadapan  Karen Empeño       Sabik akong matagpuan
sina Jonas Burgos   Nilo Arado    Luisa Posa Dominado
Sa umaga’t sa gabi  ng galit at pighati      sa pagitan ng pagpatay
kina Mario Auxilio sa Bohol at Celso Pojas sa Davao
hinahanap-hanap kita,
o armadong anghel ng katarungan –

Di na adik ngunit sabik –
Noon, sa pagitan ng bawat bugbog kay Nena Fajardo at bigwas kay Nelia Sancho
natagpuan kitang naghihintay….
Mahigit 4,000 taong nalunod paglubog ng M/V Doña Paz noong panahon ni Cory –
ilang libong namatay sa lahar, sa baha, sa bagyo, sa terorismo ng AFP…
Adik ka pa ba?  Hahanap-hanapin pa ba?

Adios, Gretchen at Regine at Ruffa at Susmaryosep — Lani Misalucha!
Magwala man ang militar, di na mawawala
ang pag-asang inaruga mo, Ka Leony, istratehiyang pinakasasabikan –
Magkasalubong tayo sa bawat daluyong ng pakikibaka
sa bawat yapos, sa bawat labing humahalik….

Disaster, Disaster sa Paglubog ng MV Princess of the Stars

June 30, 2008

Ang bumibida sa disaster management ay si Noli de Castro, bise presidente bilang pagkatagpo ng isang solido at lingering media moment. Si Arroyo ay virtual at surrogate na nagma-manage ng disaster. Ang long-distance teleconferencing ay pagpapadiin sa kanyang pagprioridad sa interes ng U.S. imperialismo kaysa lokal na affairs. Kaya kawawa naman ang ibang lugar na naapektuhan ng bagyo – Iloilo, Kalibo, mga bahagi ng Mindanao – dahil ang prioridad ng gobyerno ay ang media opportunity na inaalok ng paglubog ng MV Princess. Na tulad ng nakausling bahagi nito sa ibabaw ng dagat, ang imahen ay ang labi ng isang entidad na hindi na maililibing.

NI ROLAND TOLENTINO
KULTURANG POPULAR KULTURA
Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Four strikes na ang Sulpicio Lines. Ang pinakamalaking maritime disaster ay hawak nito—4,341 nasawi sa pagbangga ng MV Dona Paz at MT Vector noong 1987. Ang MV Dona Marilyn ay lumubog isang taon matapos ang naunang trahedya, at 300 ang nasawi. 150 naman ang namatay noong 1998 nang lumubog ang MV Princess of the Orient. Sa tatlong disaster, pinawalang-sala ang Sulpicio Lines.

Nitong Hunyo 22, 2008, mga 700 katao ang tinatayang nasawi o nawawala sa paglubog naman ng MV Princess of the Stars. Kahit parang crown jewels ang turing sa pagpapangalan sa mga barko, mga higanteng kabaong ang katangian at kung magkagayon, ang nagiging kinahihinatnan nito.

Kalakhan ng mga barkong pumapalaot sa dagat ng bansa ay mga refurbished na cargo at fishing vessel.  Segunda mano o ukay-ukay, kaya a la chamba ang pagbili at pagtangkilik ng mga ito. At mahaba pa ang listahan ng mga lumubog na barko sa kagyat na kasalukuyan.

MV Cebu City, 1994, 140 nasawi; MV Kimelody Cristy, 1995, 31 nasawi; MV Gretchen I, 1996, 50 nasawi; SuperFerry 14, 2004, 116 nasawi; at MV Princess of the World (Sulpicio Lines din), 2005, nasunog sa dagat. Kung sa maunlad na bansa ay grinound na ang mga barko kada may aksidente hanggang di pa lubos na naiinspeksyon, sa Pilipinas ay para lang domino na isa-isang inaantay natutumba, o sa kaso nito, lumulubog ang mga barko.

Kaya patuloy ang mga gawang-tao na disaster. Patuloy dahil nasa interes ng estado (malaking negosyo at gobyero) na gawing tila natatangi ang pagsulpot ng disaster para lamang sa huli, ito ang magmukhang bida. Sa konklusyon ng “disaster management” o ang pagkakahon ng pagbulwak ng gawang-taong disaster, ang estado (ang mga GOs at si Gloria Arroyo) ang itatanghal na bida.

Ang gawang-taong disaster ay isang aberasyon, blunder at hindi lang pagkakamali, freak of nature, at pati “God’s will,” gaya nang sinasambit ng management ng Sulpicio Lines. Hindi ordinaryo dahil hindi nga naman araw-araw na lumulubog ang barko at may daan-daang namamatay.

Gawang-tao ito dahil katambal ng pagtitipid sa gastos ang inaasam na maximisasyon ng kita ng negosyo. Kung sino man ang nakasakay na sa barko ay alam na overloading ang kalakaran. Luma na ang mga makina at fasilidad. At pikit-mata at taimtim na nagdarasal na lamang na hindi lumubog ang barko kahit pa walang super-typhoon.

Kasabwat din ang Coast Guard at iba pang ahensya ng gobyerno sa pagtangkilik sa kalakaran ng negosyo. Para hindi malugi sa isang araw na kita, at dahil nga naman signal number 1 pa lamang sa Metro Manila kahit number 2 at 3 na sa ibang bahagi ng bansa, kasama ang patungong Cebu, naglayag pa rin ang naunsyaming MV Princess.

Wala pa rin kahandaan ang gobyerno sa disaster kahit na ilang disaster na ang humahagipis rito taon-taon, at sa okasyong ito, kahit pa ilang barko na ang lumubog sa nakaraan. Maluwag ang alaala ng gobyerno dahil sa panghihikayat sa negosyo na higit pang kumita. Kaya wala itong body bags, light gears sa underwater expedition, manwal sa pag-handle ng mga patay, monitoring system, at iba ang lohistika at sistema sa disaster management.

Wala o karumaldumal na kulang dahil hindi naman ito ang prioridad ng gastusin ng gobyerno. Makitid ang pag-iisip nito na hindi handang maggayak para sa peryodikong kaganapan. At dahil na rin, pwedeng idahilan, force of nature nga kaya hindi naman lubos na nakakapaghanda sa disaster.

At nang lumubog ang barko, tulad ng hinudyat ng mother-of-all-disaster-movies na “Titanic,” mabilis ang kaganapan. Sa pagitan ng lumulubog na barko at dumadagundong na dagat, saan pupunta ang karamihan na galing sa economy class na pasahero?  Kaya rin hindi kataka-taka na kalakhan ng mga nasawi ay nanatiling nasa loob ng tumaob na barko.

Na tila hindi rin hiwalay kung paano ginagawang double-dead ang mga nasawi sa post-disaster na yugto ng management: sa pagitan ng nagtuturuang ahensya ng Coast Guard at may-ari ng Sulpicio Lines na humingi ng tawad sa mga pamilya ng nasawi nang hindi pa rin binabago ang linyang kagustuhan ni Lord ang kaganapan, walang kabuhay-buhay na mahihita sa imbestigasyong may nakasulat na ending na.

Nilisan na ni Arroyo ang sityo ng disaster – bago, sa sandali ng pangyayari, at matapos ang disaster.  Tumungo na ito sa U.S. para sa pilgrimahe sa papaalis na pangulo ng bansa, at sa malamang na papalit rito. At nang mabalitaan ang kaganapan, video-conferencing ang best effort ni Arroyo.

Na wala ang presidente ay hindi naman aksidental. Ito ay insidental lang naman kung paano pa rin, sa huling pagtutuos, aakdain ng estado ang management at ending na magbubura sa disaster. Sa simula ay makikisisi si Arroyo, higit sa lahat, sa management para sa nangyari.  Ang best scenario, may mapapalitan na opisyal.  Pero hanggang dito na lamang at maraming salamat po.

Sa paninindigan ni Arroyo, kahit pa may higit na 600 ang tukoy  na nasawi sa supertyphoon na Frank, mas kailangan ang kanyang presence sa U.S.  Malamang, ito na ang kanyang farewell walk at kailangan matagal ang wave sa publiko.  Kakausapin ni Arroyo ang maraming opisyal at negosyante para higit pang maipindeho ang yaman ng bansa.

Una ay maamo ang mukha ni Arroyo sa video conferencing na ginanap ng madaling-araw sa Malacanang. Na ang it’s-a-fake na hitsura ay hindi nakapanghimok ng simpatya kundi dismaya sa simulated na imahen ng pakikiisa. Kaya balik sa tantrum si Arroyo, nilalait ang Coast Guard kung bakit pinayagang bumiyahe na sinisi naman ang PAGASA sa ulat nito.

Kaya walang kasalanang maiakusa sa Sulpicio Lines maliban sa pagkagahamang kumita, na hindi naman krimen kundi kalikasan ng negosyo na siya namang hinihikayat ng gobyerno para sa pagpapaganda ng kanyang pambansang ekonomiyang statistika.  Paano mo isasakdal ang Sulpicio Lines sa ikaapat na pagkakataong ito?

Sa disaster management, ang mina-manage ay hindi naman ang naging epekto ng disaster kundi kung paano idi-deflect ng gobyerno ang sisi sa kanyang sarili. Ito ang tagahanap ng consensus sa representatibong kapamilya ng mga nasawi at ng may-ari ng negosyong nagbunsod ng disaster.

Kung titignan pa lamang dito, wala na ang mga nasawi sa konfigurasyon. Ang tanging ina-appease ay ang mga pamilya via ng pamilyang negosyateng may-ari ng barko. Hindi rin pwedeng chakahin ng gobyerno nang todo ang negosyante dahil baka madismaya naman ang iba pang pamilyang negosyante.  Maliit lang ang bilang ng kasapi ng burgis kumprador sa bansa. Baka wala nang mag-invest.

Ang bumibida sa disaster management ay si Noli de Castro, bise presidente bilang pagkatagpo ng isang solido at lingering media moment. Si Arroyo ay virtual at surrogate na nagma-manage ng disaster. Ang long-distance teleconferencing ay pagpapadiin sa kanyang pagprioridad sa interes ng U.S. imperialismo kaysa lokal na affairs.

Kaya kawawa naman ang ibang lugar na naapektuhan ng bagyo – Iloilo, Kalibo, mga bahagi ng Mindanao – dahil ang prioridad ng gobyerno ay ang media opportunity na inaalok ng paglubog ng MV Princess. Na tulad ng nakausling bahagi nito sa ibabaw ng dagat, ang imahen ay ang labi ng isang entidad na hindi na maililibing.

O matagal nang patay? Paano ililibing ang isang nakalutang na higanteng kabaong? Paano ililibing ang mga tao sa economy class na matagal nang pinagdamutan ng mismong estadong ngayon ay pinagkakaabalahan ang paghanap sa kanila sa loob ng barko?

At sa mga bangkay na napapadpad sa pampang, ang naisip na rekurso ng lokal na pamahalaan ay ibaon ito kaagad. Mabilisang pagbubura sa mga katawang hindi katanggap-tanggap nang sila ay nabuhay, at maging sa kanilang kamatayan.  Anong saklap ng buhay, hindi ba, Kuya Eddie?

Muli ang venue ng solidaridad ng pamilya ng nasawi ay ang mga dingding malapit sa opisina ng Sulpicio Lines. Sa pamamagitan ng litrato, sulat, kandila, bulaklak, at memento, lumikha sila ng memorial. Na tulad sa memorial sa labas ng isa pang trahedya, ang sunog sa Ozone Disco, ang konsolidadong imahen ng buhay ang pantapat sa imahen ng kamatayang dulot ng media.

Pero pampamilya mode ang memorial na ito. Na sa isang banda rin ay kabahagi ng sistematikong pagkakahon sa disaster bilang konsern lamang ng mga pamilya ng nasawi. Ang kanilang pagwawala sa loob at labas ng opisina, ang pagtangis at pagkahimatay ay physiological na anyo ng pagbabalikwas sa isang abstraktong sistema.

Paano lalabanan ang isang entidad na naniniwalang wala silang sala, o ang maysala nga ay si God? At ang imahen ng nagbre-breakdown na pamilya ay paukol sa mob na katangian ng masa. May potensyal na mag-mob, kaya bago dumating sa puntong ito ay kailangan nang iappease.

Ang alok ng negosyante: tig-P200,000 bawat nasawi, libreng pamasahe at hotel sa Cebu habang nag-aantay ng resulta sa paghahanap, at may allowance pa. Habang nag-aantay, naagnas na ang mga katawan, kinain na ng pating at malalaking isda ang nakalutang na bangkay, ibinaon na ang mga napapadpad sa mga isla.

Kaya ang special offer ng Sulpicio Lines ay akma sa self-preservation nito. Huwag po, Lord kahit si Lord ang sinasambit nito. Composed sumagot ang madalang magpakitang opisyales na pamilya ng negosyo. At itong composure ang naghihiwalay sa kanila sa mob mentality ng masang pamilya at ang nade-decompose na katawan ng mga nasawi.

Intact ang negosyo, maging ang gobyerno. Hanggang sa muli, sa susunod na pagputok ng bagong disaster. In the meantime, nandiyan pa ang laban ni Manny Pacquiao sa kanyang pagtatagpo sa dakilang tadhana sa kasaysayan ng boxing. Mas hindi makakahinga ang bansa sa umaga ng Linggo ng laban.

Titigil muli ang buhay ng bansa. Maluluwag ang mga kalsada sa dalawang oras ng laban. Kolektibo ang pagdanas ng inaasahan na namang pagtatagumpay ng underdog (na kahit hindi ito si Pacquiao sa pagkakataong ito, dahil siya Filipino, underdog naman parati ang turing). At pagdating ng katanghalian, lalo pang nabura ang disaster ng MV Princess.

Para na lang character si Pacquiao sa isang computer game. Handang magpagamit sa estado sa pagsalo nito sa kahinaan at kakulangang ikinikilos sa binuburang mga indibidwal na biktima ng disaster.  Disaster man sa MV Princess, disaster man sa pagkapangulo ni Arroyo wala pa ring rekurso sa hustisyang makakamit.

Walang tala na mapapaluhod. Na mismong si Arroyo, Pacquiao at ang U.S. imperialismo ay umaawit na ng nakakapanghalinang muling magpapaidlip sa bayan. Bulatlat

New EU Policy on Immigration to Create New ‘Holocaust’ – Migrant Group

June 30, 2008

Even as the Arroyo government gleefully announces the deployment of 516,466 document OFWs from January to May this year – a 12 percent increase from the same period last year – new rules governing migrants are expected to be passed by the European Union.  If approved, the new policy would impose penalties of detention, expulsion, and blacklisting of overstaying migrants, affecting around 12 million undocumented migrants, including 100,000 Filipinos.

BY RONALYN V. OLEA
MIGRANT WATCH
Bulatlat
Volume VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

An alliance of overseas Filipino groups branded the European Union’s (EU) new rules on undocumented migrants as “inhumane.”

Early this month, 27 EU interior ministers voted for rules that would impose penalties of detention for a maximum of 18 months for overstaying migrants, their deportation, along with their children, and blacklisting for five years. If finally approved by the EU Parliament, the rules are to take effect on 2010.

Connie Bragas Regalado, chairperson of Migrante International said that the new rules “will bring Europe back to the dark days of the Holocaust.”  “It will turn Europe into a large concentration camp of millions of undocumented migrants there whose only desire is to eke out a decent living for their families who depend on them back home,” she said.

There are an estimated 12 million undocumented migrants in Europe , including more than 100,000 Filipinos.

The Migrante leader echoed the position of their European chapter that said the rules violate existing treaties, conventions and agreements on migrants and their families such as the Parliamentary Assembly Council of Europe Resolution 1509, the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the UN International Convention for the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and the members of their Families.

Global crackdown

But Regalado admitted that the EU’s move came as a no surprise; it was even expected. She said that since the so-called US war on terror, attacks on migrants have intensified not only throughout Europe but on a global scale.

She cited as an example the amendments to Italy’s policy on immigration sometime in 2002. Before, migrants are given a six-month grace period to process the legalization of their stay. The said amendments, however, reduced the processing time from six months to only two. Failure to do so would result in deportation. Since then, most Filipino migrants, Regalado said, prefer to evade immigration authorities rather than surrender and face deportation.

The migrant leader shared stories told by delegates of the recently-concluded International Migrants Assembly held in Hong Kong. “Even legal migrants organizations and their leaders have become targets of the so-called anti-terror measures.” She related that in Germany, the offices of Turkish migrant organization ATIK have been raided.

In a statement sent through email, John Leonard Monterona, Migrante Middle East regional coordinator, lamented, “Even here in the Middle East, there are countries implementing tough immigration measures such as the finger-print system in Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and eye-scan in the entire United Arab Emirates.” He said that these procedures are mandatory for the issuance of residence or work permits.

Monterona also cited the continued crackdown of undocumented OFWs in countries like South Korea and Japan.

Regalado said, “In the so-called fight against terror, migrants, especially people of color, have become vulnerable targets.”

No protection for OFWs

Migrante International also scored the Arroyo government’s absence of any protection for migrants, noting that there are no existing bilateral agreements between the Arroyo government and host countries. “There is no intention at all to protect overseas Filipino workers (OFWs). Isinusubo na lang ang mga OFWs sa masasamang kalagayan. Ang pakay lang ay kumita mula sa pinapadala ng OFWs.” (OFWs are being led to cruel situations. The only objective is to earn from OFWs’s dollar remittances.)

Monterona said, “The Arroyo administration seems deaf to the calls by OFW organizations and cause-oriented groups to work for the legalization of undocumented OFWs.”

When faced with difficult situations, Regalado said, the Arroyo government admonishes OFWs to follow the rule of law of the host country. Even if OFWs were raped or have run away from a cruel employer, Regalado said, the Arroyo government does not at all care.

She said that the Philippines has been chosen to host the Second Global Forum on Development and Migration in October this year. The main focus of the said informal gathering of heads of states, she said, is how to use migrants and their remittances for development.

Regalado said that the Philippines is viewed by other states as a model for good migration management. For migrants though, this means that the Arroyo government is best in exploiting the OFWs.

She noted that the Arroyo government intends to further intensify its labor export policy instead of paving the way for national industrialization, which will create jobs for Filipinos in the country.

The Migrante International appealed to the EU leaders to junk the new immigration policy. Bulatlat

CHR Execs Slam Absence of Anti-Torture Law in RP

June 30, 2008

After 21 years since the Philippine government ratified the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, no law has been passed to criminalize torture. Officials of the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) deemed it as a failure on the part of government.

BY RONALYN V. OLEA
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Bulatlat
Volume VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

The Philippine government ratified the International Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in 1987. Twenty-one years later, no law has been passed yet to criminalize torture.

The Convention Against Torture (CAT) mandates each state party to take effective legislative, administrative, judicial or other measures to prevent acts of torture in any territory under its jurisdiction.

In an interview, Karen Gomez-Dumpit of CHR Office of Government Linkages, said, “It has been 21 years that the government has been a state party to the Convention and it talks about a main obligation to define and criminalize torture in national law and they have not done that. Therefore, it is a failure on the part of the state.”

CHR Chairperson Leila de Lima said, “We might be constrained to really make an official report on that, although it can be a judicial notice na hindi nga ginagawa pa [that it has not been done yet], the definition and criminalization [of torture].”

De Lima said, “Beyond the monitoring is the reporting to the United Nations (UN). If in the next few years, wala pa rin [nothing has been achieved yet], the CHR might be constrained to take a serious issue on this and take it up with the appropriate UN bodies.”

Dumpit added, “In fact the government has failed in its reporting obligations on the implementation of the CAT.” She revealed that the last report was in 1989.

De Lima said the reason behind this is that the government has “very little” to report on in terms of compliance.

Both CHR officials lamented the absence of urgency on the part of the executive branch of government. The bill on torture, they said, is not among the priorities cited in Legislative Executive Development Advisory Council (LEDAC) meetings.

Bills

There are several pending bills on Anti-Torture filed in both Houses of Congress.

Dumpit said that one of the most contentious issues is the inclusion of non-state actors. “Government wants to include non-state actors.”

Among the six versions pending in the Lower House, only the Akbayan bill calls for the inclusion of non-state actors.

CHR records show that most of the torture cases filed were perpetrated by state agents. These include policemen, intelligence agents of the Armed Forces of the Philippines and National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) agents. Victims are suspects of common crimes and those who were coerced to admit they are Abu Sayyaf or NPA members, the CHR record shows.

From 2001 to 2008, 120 complaints on torture have been filed at the CHR. De Lima noted that 2006 was the highest, with 37 complaints. This, she said, also coincides with the surge in the number of cases of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances.

Documentation by Karapatan (Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights) on torture cases also point to state agents as the perpetrators.

Lovella de Castro, Karapatan documentation unit, revealed that many torture cases were committed during military operations. In Guihulngan, Negros Oriental, she cited, nine civilians were subjected to torture. Other cases were done in the course of tactical interrogation; torture is utilized to extract information from the victims.

From January to May 2008, they have recorded 19 victims of torture. Last year, Karapatan recorded 18 incidents of torture affecting 29 victims.

In a separate interview, Roneo Clamor, Karapatan deputy secretary-general, said that the Anti-Torture Law must conform with international standards. The definition of torture in the UN’s CAT does not cover non-state actors.

Clamor, who attends the Congressional hearings on the Anti-Torture bills, deplored the intense lobbying of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and Philippine National Police (PNP). He opposed the recommendations of Col. Benigno Jose, the chief of the AFP Human Right Affairs Office. Jose proposed that torture be reduced to administrative liability instead of criminal liability and to exempt immediate superiors from any accountability.

The OPCAT

The CHR welcomed Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s signing of the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (OPCAT). It is awaiting Senate ratification.

The OPCAT allows the United Nations and other international and national bodies to visit and seek facts in places of detention to prevent torture and other cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment of detained persons.

De Lima said, “We’ve been pushing for the ratification of OPCAT because it would be very significant (in providing) national preventive mechanisms. A system of regular inspection of detention facilities. Malaking bagay iyon (It’s a big thing).”

She described it as one very good deterrent of torture. “Unannounced visitations will make  perpetrators think twice before committing torture”, she said.

Before the signing of the OPCAT, Dumpit said the CHR wrote the Executive. “We told them that except for the international mechanism, the national mechanism is already in harmony with the Optional Protocol. Therefore, there is no reason for the government not to ratify it.”

The CHR is mandated to conduct visits to detention facilies and military camps. Dumpit said, “But then, it [the OPCAT] has an added value as an international mechanism.”

Dr. Renante Basas of the CHR Assistance and Visitorial Office said there could be more than one national body as long as it fulfills the criteria of the Paris principles of independence, in terms of broad mandate and accountability. He also added that an international body that will also conduct visitations will be helpful.

De Lima said, “The aspiration of the CHR is to be able to play a pivotal, preeminent role in national preventive mechanisms.”

Dumpit added, “If government really wants to demonstrate its openness, its accountability and its commitment to the international community to preserve and protect human rights, there is no reason for them not to ratify it.”

Asked to comment on the reported hesitance of the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) on the ratification of the OPCAT, Dumpit said she was informed that other treaties have to be ratified first. One is the Japan-Philippines Economic Partnership Agreement (JPEPA) and another is the ASEAN Charter. “I don’t think it’s really true that there was a communication from DFA to delay,” she said.

Karapatan’s Clamor deemed it differently. “It was just gimmick. GMA was compelled to sign it due to the intense international pressure.”

The Philippine government was questioned by 17 nations in the first-ever Universal Periodic Review of the UN Human Rights Commission on why it has not ratified the OPCAT and the Convention Against Enforced Disappearances.

In a phone interview, Bayan Muna (People First) Representative Satur Ocampo, author of one of the Anti-Torture bills, said, “I think the hesitance and the refusal to ratify that Convention, along with the Rome Statute for the creation of the International Criminal Court and Convention on Enforced Disappearances is because of pressures from the military and security forces. By acceding to these conventions, they will be made vulnerable to prosecution. The Arroyo government is stonewalling the military [for violations of human rights.]”

Judicial activism

The CHR praised the Supreme Court for its “timely intervention,” specifically the adoption of the writ of amparo and writ of habeas data.

Dumpit said, “In habeas corpus, you have to prove that there is detention and government can only say, ‘Wala rito eh’ [Not here] and so, tapos na ang laban. [the fight ends there] But then the two revolutionary writs shift the burden to government agents. It’s actually easing the burden of the victims.”

De Lima said, “Imagine, you have to state also the efforts undertaken. For example, if the writ is directed to the AFP or the PNP, they will have to explain what they have done to trace the whereabouts of the petitioner or complainant. Simple denial is no longer acceptable. It’s groundbreaking in a sense.

Dumpit said, “The judiciary responded when there was an impasse and people were so helpless.” Bulatlat

Torture Persists: Tales of Two Survivors

June 30, 2008

June 26 is the United Nations’ (UN) Day in Support of Victims of Torture. Even as the Philippine government has been a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture for more than 20 years, the practice of torture persists in the country. Just last month, Pastor Rodel Canja went through the horrors of torture.

BY RONALYN V. OLEA
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Bulatlat
Volume VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

June 26 is the United Nations’ (UN) Day in Support of Victims of Torture. Even as the Philippine government has been a signatory to the UN Convention Against Torture for more than 20 years, the practice of torture persists in the country.

Torture under Martial law

Romeo Luneta or Ka Romy to his colleagues, now 65, could not exactly remember the day and time when he was, in his own words, “arrested-abducted” by military men in plainclothes. It was sometime in October 1972 somewhere in Batangas City.

No warrant of arrest was presented, no charges filed against him in court.

Three armed men approached him that day. One blindfolded him and the other two forced him to ride what he believed to be a military jeep. They asked, “Ikaw si Jose Luneta ‘di ba?” (You are Jose Luneta, right?) Jose is his younger brother.

He said that he was not Jose. One of his captors pointed a gun at his forehead and said, “Gusto mo nito?” (You want this?) The man threatened him that if he did not give the information they needed, he would be thrown off a cliff.

One of the men slammed the butt of a gun to his forehead, causing it to bleed. Throughout the two or three hours of travel, his captors kicked and punched him.

When the vehicle came to a halt, Ka Romy was led to a concrete room similar to a prison cell with no windows and just an iron gate. His captors left him for a while.

Just when he almost fell asleep, they returned and hit him with a “kaburata”, a hard elongated object shaped like an eggplant. They struck his stomach many times but the beating left no marks.

To stop the beatings, he said he is Jose Luneta. “Komunista ka. Founder ng KM. Bakit n’yo kinakalaban ang gobyerno?” (You are a Communist. A founder of Kabataang Makabayan. Why do you fight this government?)

The next day, his captors went back to him. “Hayop ka! Hindi naman pala ikaw si Jose Luneta,” (You animal. You are not Jose Luneta.) said one.

He told them he just said so because it was what they wanted him to say. “Pilosopo ka!” (Smart ass!)

Then, they began to ask the whereabouts of his siblings.

A few hours after came the water cure. They poured water into his face, almost relentlessly that he could not breathe. Then they took off all his clothes. Naked, he was tied to a “tarima,” a cot made of steel. His hands and feet spread apart.

Then, he was given the electro-shock. First, they put the wire on his wrist. Later, they electrocuted his genitals. The interrogation continued until he passed out.

When the worst was over, somebody treated his wounds and bruises. For quite some time, they left him alone. They would give him something to eat, congee or rice and vegetables.

It turned out to be the ‘soft approach.’ Ka Romy was offered to help his captors. He just said that he could not help them in any way. He told them, “Pagkatapos ng lahat ng dinanas ko, nasabi ko na siguro sa inyo kung may nalalaman ako.” (After everything I went through, I could have confessed to you everything that I know.)

Later, Ka Romy identified his captors as Rolando Abadilla, Rodolfo Aguinaldo and Billy Bibit. All three were considered by human rights groups as the most brutal torturers during martial law.

Ka Romy was transferred to Camp Vicente Lim. There he met many other political prisoners. He was released in 1975 but was ordered to report regularly to high-ranking military officers.

His siblings Maxima, Jose, Domingo, Francisco, Franco and Ernesto were also arrested in separate incidents. They, too, were subjected to physical and psychological torture.

Jose was injected with truth serum. Ernesto was thrown to a swimming pool with both hands and feet tied. Domingo’s head was sunk in a toilet bowl filled with human feces and urine.

The nightmare haunted Ka Romy for many years. There were nights when he would wake up screaming and squirming, sweating profusely. For three years, he had erectile dysfunction. He has difficulty hearing from his left ear. His eardrums were damaged when he was hit constantly at both ears.

Scars on his wrist are still clear, as lucid as his memory of those days and nights.

His two brothers, he said, have to drink alcohol to be able to sleep. Soon, they became alcoholic. They, too, could not forget.

A new case of torture

Rodel Canja is a pastor of the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP). On May 6, he went to their church in Pillilia, Rizal together with another church worker.  They were there to meet the other delegates to the UCCP Northeast Southern Tagalog Conference.

Canja left his companion to go to a nearby store. He needed to buy some load for his cell phone; and he had to make a call. He had no idea he would then be taken by unidentified men.

A van stopped by in front of him. A man in his 40s alighted from the vehicle. The man put his hand around Canja’s shoulder and told the latter not to cause any commotion. He was ordered to ride the van. He saw another man inside, pointing a gun at him. He found himself obeying. Inside, he saw two more men, the driver and another armed man in the front seat. Then, his nose was covered with a handkerchief and he lost consciousness.

When he woke up, he found himself inside a room. One of his captors asked him, “Kilala mo ba si Guerrero?” (Do you know Guerrero?) He did not answer at once. He asked, “Sinong Guerrero?” (Guerrero who?)

The other man said, “Si Berlin Guerrero, iyong nagpapastor-pastoran?” (Berlin Guerrero, the one pretending to be a pastor.)

Guerrero was abducted in May, 2007 by men believed to be soldiers from the Philippine Air Force. He was subjected to physical and psychological torture before being turned over to the Philippine National Police. Only then did he learn that he has been arrested for murder charges, the warrant shown to him was dated 1988.

Canja told his captors what he knew about Guerrero. “He was my roommate. We worked together in the church. He has a wife and children.” By this time, one of the men was pulling his hair forcefully.

Exclaimed one, “Alam na namin iyan. Hindi iyan ang gusto naming marinig.” (We already know that. That is not what we want to hear.) The man interrogating him cocked his gun then asked Canja, “Ano pang alam mo?” (What else do you know?)

He was too afraid to speak. The man asked, “Anong alam mo sa P?” (What do you know about the P?) Canja asked back, “Anong P?” (What P?)

The man yelled invectives at him and pointed the gun to his face. “Alam namin na si Berlin ay miyembro ng P. Di ba may mga code names pa nga kayo. Alam namin ‘yon.” (We know that Berlin is a member of P. Isn’t it that you even have code names. We know that.)

Canja said he did not know anything about the P they were mentioning. His captors kept on pointing a gun at him. They also asked him about two more pastors.

The next day, they got his cell phone and wallet. The men told him that many things could happen in the coming days, adding that they have the ID of his sister and brother.

Then, one of the men, said, “Aamin ka ba o hindi? Ito na ang huling tanong namin sa ‘yo.” (Will you confess or not? This is our last question.) Canja did not speak; he knew he might be killed.

His interrogator inserted the barrel of a gun inside Canja’s mouth; the pastor was already crying and shivering from fear. The man was shouting, repeating his question. Canja said nothing; then, a gunshot. He thought he was shot at. The men laughed loudly. Then, everything became black.

The following day, he was told to change his pair of pants and to use the pair of shorts they gave him. One of the men warned him not to say anything to anyone. They threatened him that something bad may happen to his brother and sister; they got their ID pictures from his wallet.

Then, they blindfolded him and led him to a vehicle. While traveling, the men were talking. One said, “Patayin na lang kaya natin, ‘wag na nating ihatid.” (What if we just kill him?)

They finally stopped. They reminded him of their warnings. When he alighted from the van, he did not immediately recognize the place where they dropped him off, it was already dark. He asked a woman selling balut (duck eggs).  The vendor pointed to both directions of the road saying that one direction led to Cogeo and the other to Cubao.

Pastor Canja arrived home that early morning, before the sun came out. Since then, he has never seen the following days the same as before.

No justice

Ka Romy was among the martial law victims who filed a class action suit against the Marcoses in 1989. He joined the Samahan ng Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Para sa Amnestiya (SELDA). The case is now pending at the Sandiganbayan after the US Supreme Court turned over the case to the Philippines.

Ka Romy said, “Ang gusto namin, tunay na hustisya. Inaasahan namin noon na mapapakulong ang mga Marcos. Hindi namin inaasahan ang pera” (What we want is genuine justice. We wanted to see the Marcoses in jail. We were not expecting compensation.)

Asked to comment on the present state of human rights in the country, he said, “Maswerte pa kami noon. Pag tinortyur ka, mabubuhay ka pa. Sa Oplan Bantay Laya I and II ni GMA, papatayin ka na, susunugin ka pa.” (We were still lucky then. When you get tortured, you would still live. Under Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s counter insurgency programs Oplan Bantay Laya I and II, you will just be killed and burned.)

He was referring to the case of Manuel Meriño, abducted on June 26, 2006 in San Miguel, Bulacan together with Karen Empeño and Sherlyn Cadapan.

Ka Romy criticized Arroyo’s policy of “state terrorism.” He said that as head of state, she is guilty of gross violations of human rights perpetrated by state agents.

Asked to comment about Arroyo’s signing of Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture (OPCAT), Ka Romy said, “It’s just for show.” Bulatlat

Ibaloi Lawyer to Sit in UN Rights Body

June 30, 2008

An Ibaloi lawyer and former city councilor was appointed as a mandate holder of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on the international rights body’s 8th session last June 18.

BY LYN V. RAMO
Northern Dispatch
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

BAGUIO CITY (246 kns north of Manila) – An Ibaloi lawyer and former city councilor was appointed as a mandate holder of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on its 8th session last June 18.

Lawyer Jose Mencio Molintas will hold office with four more appointees to the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP). The UNHRC officially assigned the five members (one each from Africa, Western Europe and Latin America; and two from Asia).

Tracing his roots to Bokod, Benguet, Molintas served as a city councilor here, and challenged incumbent Rep. Mauricio Domogan in the 2007 elections.

Molintas, a member of the National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL), is with the Cordillera Alternative Law Center or Dinteg. He used to chair the Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) and is a member of the Cordillera Human Rights Alliance (CHRA).

Besides Molintas, Jannie Lasimbang (Malaysia), Odimba Kombe (Congo), Jose Carlos Morales (Costa Rica) and John Henriksen (Norway) were also appointed and as EMRIP members will meet once a year and report directly to the UNHRC.

The new Expert Mechanism will “assist UNHRC in the implementation of its mandate” by providing thematic expertise and making proposals pertaining to the rights of indigenous peoples.

8th session output

Meanwhile in a press release, the UNHRC stated that it adopted during its 8th session 13 resolutions on a range of issues, including the optional protocol to the international covenant on economic, social, and cultural rights; the promotion of a democratic and equitable international order; the promotion on the right of peoples to peace; and elimination of discrimination against persons affected by leprosy.

It appointed 13 new mandate holders on freedom of expression, health, racial discrimination, trafficking in persons, people of African descent, arbitrary detention, Haiti, indigenous peoples and minority issues as well as Special Rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression; the Special Rapporteur on the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health; the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination xenophobia and related intolerance; and the Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons, especially women and children.

Extended procedures and mandates

UNHRC extended the mandates of eight Special Procedures on extra-judicial executions, education, independence of judges, transnational corporations, torture, migrants, extreme poverty and trafficking in persons. The Council also adopted a resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar.

It extended for three years the mandates of the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education, the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the Issue of Human Rights and Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises, the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants, the Independent Expert on Human Rights and Extreme Poverty, and the Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Persons, especially women and children.

On extra-judicial killings and people’s right to peace

The UNHRC specifically requested the Special Rapporteur to continue to examine situations of extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions in all circumstances and for whatever reason and to submit her or his findings on an annual basis; to enhance further his dialog with governments, as well as to follow up on recommendations; to continue monitoring the implementation of existing international standards on safeguards and restrictions relating to the imposition of capital punishment; and to apply a gender perspective to his work.

The UNHRC urged States to cooperate and assist the Special Rapporteur in the performance of his task; and decided to extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur on extra-judicial, summary or arbitrary executions for three years.

Concerning the promotion on the right of peoples to peace, the UNHRC stressed that peace is a vital requirement for the promotion and protection of all human rights.

It requested the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to convene, before April 2009, a three-day workshop on the right of peoples to peace, with the participation of two experts from countries of each of the five regional groups, in order to further clarify the content and scope of this right.

Over the past five years, UN Special Rapporteurs Rodolfo Stavenhagen for the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Minority Issues, and Philip Alston for Extrajudicial, Summary and Arbitrary Executions were in the Philippines to monitor cases of human rights violations. They forwarded their respective findings and recommendations to the UNHRC.

Both Stavenhagen and Alston were in the Cordillera during their respective visits. Northern Dispatch / Posted by Bulatlat

On the 2nd year of Karen and Sherlyn’s Abduction: Search for Justice Continues

June 30, 2008

Missing for two years as of June 26, University of the Philippines (UP) students Karen Empeño and Sherlyn Cadapan were given honored last June 25 at the university’s Claro M. Recto Hall. The tribute was made in line with the commemoration of the International Day Against Torture, which falls on the same date.

BY NOEL SALES BARCELONA
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Contributed to Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008


QUEZON CITY – Missing for two years as of June 26, University of the Philippines (UP) students Karen Empeño and Sherlyn Cadapan were honored last June 25 at the university’s Claro M. Recto Hall.

The tribute was made in line with the commemoration of the International Day Against Torture, which falls on the same date.

Amid the heartwarming testimonies, there was one truth that stood out: it is agonizing to their loved ones not to see them and not to know what happened to them.

Karen and Sherlyn are just two of the victims of enforced disappearances under the Arroyo government. Based on the last count of Karapatan (Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights), there have been 191 victims of enforced disappearances since 2001 – when Mrs. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo came to power following the EDSA II uprising.

Sherlyn: athlete, good daughter

“All that she left to me at home, before she went missing, was her 156 medals and 56 trophies, which she earned from her hard work as a member of the Philippine triathlon team,” recalls Mrs. Erlinda “Nanay Linda” Cadapan, Sherlyn’s mother. The missing activist was a good sprinter and could have competed at the last Southeast Asian Games (SEA Games) if she had not gone missing.

Nanay Linda described her daughter as a fighter, a good daughter and selfless. These are virtues of a true Christian, one of her friends told this reporter while listening to their testimonies.

“I followed her, secretly, whenever she was running,” Nanay Linda said. “Whenever I saw her at the starting line, I would just shout her name, and I knew, inside my heart, that she’s already inspired by that.”

Sherlyn’s heart was moved by the ailments of society. Leaving a promising career as an athlete, she went to Hagonoy, Bulacan to live with poor peasants. She became an organizer there and on that fateful day of June 26, 2006, she was forcibly taken, together with Karen and farmer Manuel Merino, by several armed men wearing ski masks.

Karen: serving the people as a sign of love

Karen, according to her mother Concepcion (Nanay Connie to those who are close to the clan), was intending to take up music at UP.

“But, she said, she failed the examinations at the Conservatory,” said Nanay Connie, an elementary school principal. “I didn’t know what was in her mind. After that, I learned that she took up Sociology. She wanted to learn about society and eventually she became an activist.”

Whenever she confronted her daughter about her decision to leave school and be with poor peasants in Bulacan, several kilometers away from their hometown in Zambales, Karen would answer, “Because I love you.”

“’What kind of love is that?’ I told her once. I didn’t understand what she meant until she was abducted. Kay Karen ako kumukuha ng lakas… Ngayon ko naiintindihan kung anong klaseng pagmamahal ang ibinigay niya sa amin, na ibinibigay niya rin ito sa marami nating maralitang kababayan (I get my strength from Karen… Now I understand the kind of love she has been giving us, it is the same love that she shares to our poor countrymen,” Nanay Connie said.

At the time Karen was abducted, she was a graduating student. All she lacked was a thesis to complete her studies.

“It pains us, whenever memories of Karen enter our minds,” Nanay Connie said. “But I am still hoping. I promised her that I will remain strong and healthy so that when the time comes that we will meet again, I and her father would be in good shape. And also, that I would have the strength to look after her, and find her.”

Worst form of torture

The families of the missing strongly believe that elements of the military and police are involved in enforced disappearances, which human rights advocates call the “the worst form of torture.”

“While the victims suffer from physical and psychological torture, their families also suffer from mental and emotional torture, not only from being separated from them but from thinking about whether they are still alive or six feet underground, or whether they are being treated well or being beaten black and blue,” said Biyaya Quizon, national chairperson of Student Christian Movement of the Philippines (SCMP), in an interview.

Quizon believes that members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) have perpetrated, what she describes as an unforgivable crime.

OBL I and II

Blaming Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL or Operation Freedom Watch), the AFP’s counter-“insurgency program, Nanay Linda and Nanay Connie want the authorities, including Mrs. Arroyo, to be held accountable for the disappearances of not only their daughters but all the 191 victims of enforced disappearances under Arroyo’s presidency.

But the AFP denies the allegations and has claimed that the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) caused the disappearance of its members – the term “CPP members” being used by the AFP to refer to activists belonging to legal progressive organizations.

However, in a report released following a mission to the Philippines last year, United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions Prof. Philip Alston said that military, paramilitary and even some police personnel are involved in the human rights violations in the country.

In the said report, Alston said Mrs. Arroyo can also be held accountable for command responsibility, being the Commander-in-Chief of the AFP.

Malacañang, in 2006, created the Melo Commission to investigate the killings of activists and journalists.

The commission was headed by the former Supreme Court Justice Jose A.R. Melo, with National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) Dir. Nestor R. Mantaring, Chief State Prosecutor Jovencito R. Zuño, UP Regent Prof. Nelia T. Gonzalez, and His Excellency Most Rev. Bp. Juan de Dios M. Pueblos, D.D. Bishop of Butuan, as commissioners.

Completed in 2007, the report said that some military personnel must be held accountable for the human rights violations in the Philippines but absolved Mrs. Arroyo of any responsibility.

The fight and search continue

“In a time of unrest, we youth choose to pursue what our fellow students Karen and Sherlyn have fought for, as we continue to search for them,” Paolo Marco Mapula, spokesperson of the Tanggulan Youth Network for Civil Liberties and Human Rights, told this reporter.

We will continuously condemn the AFP and the Arroyo government for making more lives in peril because of its systematic plan of repression. This is no different from the terrorism brought about by the current economic crisis,” Quizon said.

Quizon also stated that they will ask for the help of the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), particularly its Episcopal Commission on Social Action, Justice and Peace headed by Manila Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo, D.D., the Catholic dioceses and archdioceses and the parishes; as well as other religious sects, in the search for all the missing activists.

SCMP and other youth groups will continue to support the families of the desaparecidos, including those of Karen and Sherlyn, as they wait for the next hearing on the petition for the writ of amparo for the two which is set for July 1. Contributed to Bulatlat

A Time to Demand a Stand With Workers

June 30, 2008

The federal government is blocking the freedom of working people to make their own decisions about joining a union.

BY ISAIAH J. POOLE,
Truthout/The Campaign for America’s Future
ALTERNATIVE READER
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

One year ago today, a Senate Republican filibuster killed the Employee Free Choice Act, and with it died one of the most important things Congress could have done to repair the economic damage done to working-class families caused by decades of conservative economic policies.

The right-wing effort to keep that legislation from resurfacing continues in over-the-top fashion. One of the most recent jeremiads against the bill – brought to the fore by the discredited Center for Union Facts, the source of a misleading ad campaign against unions – compares union organizing efforts at a Minneapolis hotel, where the card-check provisions of EFCA were in place as a result of a local law, to the effort by strongman Robert Mugabe to keep power in Zimbabwe, calling the efforts “coercive.”

The idea that union volunteers visiting workers’ homes and encouraging them to sign union organizing carsd is remotely comparable to the brutality of the Mugabe regime points to the hysterical desperation of the right over this issue – and the fact that they have no answer to what workers actually say they want.

What they want, as our latest Making Sense 2008 alert shows, is that more than half of all U.S. workers – nearly 60 million – say they would join a union right now if they could. Their best opportunity to get ahead is by uniting with co-workers to bargain with employers for better wages and benefits. Working people want that opportunity.

Plus, the allegations of abuses of union organizers pale in comparison to the abuses of anti-union employers taking advantage of what is now a broken system. Corporations routinely intimidate, harass, coerce and illegally fire people who try to organize unions. Workers are fired in a quarter of private sector union organizing campaigns; 78 percent of private employers require supervisors to deliver anti-union messages to their employees; and even after workers successfully form a union, they can’t get a contract one-third of the time. The National Labor Relations Board, once a reliable arbiter of employer-employee disputes, is now so politicized under a Bush administration that is ideologically opposed to unions that it has issued a torrent of precedent-busting anti-union rulings.

The federal government is blocking the freedom of working people to make their own decisions about joining a union. The current “election” system for union recognition is decidedly undemocratic. One side – the corporation – has all the power, controls the information workers receive, and routinely poisons the process by intimidating, harassing, coercing, and even firing people who try to organize unions.

Enacting the Employee Free Choice Act would do three simple, fair things for workers: It would make it possible for a majority of employees to sign union authorization cards, validated by the National Labor Relations Board, to have that union recognized by their employer; it would strengthen penalties for companies that coerce or intimidate employees in an effort to prevent them form forming a union; and it would bring in a neutral third party to settle a contract when a company and a newly-certified union cannot come to an agreement after three months.

Presidential candidate Sen. Barack Obama supports this legislation, Sen. John McCain does not. This is a good time to ask people running for office whether they stand with workers and their right to form unions or with the corporations and conservative enablers who would block this right. Truthout/posted by Bulatlat

General Taguba Knew Torture Scandal Went to the Top

June 30, 2008

General Anthony Taguba and his investigators sifted and probed and assessed the blame as high as they were permitted to go. Taguba believed – no, he KNEW – that the responsibility for this outrage went much higher. He knew it reached to the office of then Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and likely beyond to the lawyers who served President George W. Bush and perhaps even to the president himself.

BY JOSEPH L. GALLOWAY
Truthout/McClatchy Newspapers
ALTERNATIVE READER
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

General Taguba knew that blame for the detainee torture scandal went as high as the secretary of defense, Donald Rumsfeld, and maybe as high as the president.Tony Taguba knew something about prisoners in wartime long before the Pentagon ordered him to investigate the torture and shameful mistreatment of Iraqi detainees revealed by those soldier photographs taken inside Abu Ghraib prison.

You see, his father, Sgt. Tomas Taguba, was a soldier in the famed Philippine Scouts and was, briefly, a prisoner of the Japanese after Bataan fell in the opening days of our war in the Pacific. Sgt. Taguba escaped during the Death March and spent the next three years spying on the Japanese and relaying the information to US forces.

After the war, the senior Taguba was allowed to enlist in the U.S. Army and served honorably and unsung until his retirement. His son was born in Manila in 1950 but grew up as American as apple pie, earned an ROTC commission at Idaho State University and was only the second Filipino-American to attain the rank of general in our Army.

Maj. Gen. Anthony Taguba would undergo his own trial by fire when, in 2004, he was named by the Pentagon to conduct a carefully walled-in investigation of the abuses of prisoners at Abu Ghraib.

By regulation – and no doubt by the design of those who appointed him – Taguba could not investigate any uniformed or civilian official whose rank was higher than his own two stars.Taguba and his investigators sifted and probed and assessed the blame as high as they were permitted to go. Taguba believed – no, he KNEW – that the responsibility for this outrage went much higher. He knew it reached to the office of then Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld and likely beyond to the lawyers who served President George W. Bush and perhaps even to the president himself.

But the brass, military and civilian, wanted Taguba and those who ran 16 other Army investigations of the Abu Ghraib scandal only to get to the bottom of the situation, not to the top.A female Army Reserve military police brigadier general was reprimanded but criminal charges and courts martial were limited to five enlisted men and women, none ranking any higher than staff sergeant.

For his honesty in both the investigation and in sworn testimony before congressional committees Tony Taguba became persona non grata in the halls of the Pentagon. The career of one of the Army’s more talented and honorable officers ended with an untimely retirement.But Taguba wasn’t done. The full truth had not been told.

In a week when McClatchy published a five-part series by my colleague Tom Lasseter on the extra-legal American military detention center at Guantanamo and who’s responsible for giving Americans a green light to mistreat, torture and detain both the guilty and the innocent prisoners in our custody, Maj. Gen. Taguba spoke out as well.

In the preface to a damning report on the treatment of Guantanamo detainees by a group called Physicians for Human Rights – which had examined and interviewed 11 former Guantanamo detainees freed without charges – Taguba declared that there was no longer any doubt whatsoever that President George W. Bush and others in the White House had committed war crimes.

“The only question that remains to be answered is whether those who ordered the use of torture will be held to account,” Taguba wrote. “The commander in chief and those under him authorized a systematic regime of torture.”

Following the boss’ orders, lawyers in the White House Counsel’s office and in the badly named Department of Justice twisted and turned the words and the very meaning of those words in international treaties, in the Constitution, in the federal statutes and the military regulations so that interrogators in brightly lit prison rooms in Afghanistan, Iraq and Guantanamo as well as those secret CIA prisons hidden all around would be free to use the waterboard, electrical shocks, sexual humiliation, and all the other dirty little ways you can make a man scream and talk. To date, seven long years after we scooped up our first detainees in Afghanistan, not a single one of them has faced evidence, his accusers, or anything remotely resembling a legal court hearing on his guilt or innocence.

Even a conservatively-tilted U.S. Supreme Court recently gagged on what the Bush Administration and its lawyers did their best to get them to swallow – the idea that some people in American custody are not entitled to the most basic of all protections, the writ of habeas corpus. The basic right to stand before a properly constituted court of law and make the government prove by the evidence that they have got the right man.

I know. I know. A snowball has a better chance in Hell than we do at ever seeing the President and his cronies actually brought to justice for their high crimes and misdemeanors. We are going to see these walking examples of the lowest common denominator become the happy recipients of a blizzard of presidential pardons on Jan. 19, 2009, before the few who haven’t already fled slip out of town ahead of the subpoenas.

My thoughts keep returning to a little speech Gen. Taguba made to his team of investigators as they first began their work in 2004: “Bottom line: We will follow our conscience and do what is morally right.”

Would that our President and his unindicted co-conspirators had done the same. Truthout/posted by Bulatlat

Trahedya at Midya

June 30, 2008

Sana’y ang ating pagdepende sa midya sa panahon ng trahedya ay maging okasyon para sa mas lalong maging kritikal sa impormasyong nakukuha mula sa mga ito.

NI DANILO ARAÑA ARAO
Konteksto / Pinoy Weekly
Inilathala ng Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Sa gitna ng brownout dulot ng bagyong Frank, muli nating nakita ang kahalagahan ng radyo sa paghahatid ng pinakahuling balita. Hindi tulad ng telebisyon at Internet na kailangan ng suplay ng kuryente para magamit, baterya lang ang kailangan para paganahin ang isang portable radio.

Bagama’t ang mga modernong mobile phone ay kaya nang mag-access sa Internet, hindi hamak na mas malaki ang gastos kaya hindi praktikal na gamitin ang ganitong klaseng telepono sa pag-surf sa Internet. At sa usapin ng presyo, alam nating mas mahal ang 3G (third-generation) mobile phone kaysa portable radio.

Pero mapapansing tayo ay talagang nabubuhay sa tinatawag na TV generation. Aminin mo na: Hindi ba’t nang muling magkaroon ng kuryente, pinatay mo na ang iyong radyo at binuksan mo ang telebisyon para malaman ang direksiyon ng bagyong Frank?

Kung estudyante ka, hindi ba’t mas umasa ka sa telebisyon sa anawnsment hinggil sa suspensiyon ng klase? Siguro’y napatalon ka sa tuwa nang marinig mo ang balitang walang pasok noong Lunes (Hunyo 23).

At kung nagtatrabaho ka na, siguro’y inantabayanan mo rin sa telebisyon kung may pasok ba sa opisina mo o wala. Kung arawan ang suweldo mo, siguro’y tuwang tuwa ka dahil makakapasok ka’t may kikitain ka, gaano man kaliit ito.

Kanya-kanyang pinagmulan, kanya-kanyang interes sa pagtunghay sa balita. Tungkulin ng midyang ibigay ang impormasyong kailangan ng publikong may napakalawak na interes.

At sa konteksto ng impormasyong kinakailangan, iba ang bentahe ng telebisyon dahil kaya nitong maghatid hindi lang ng audio kundi ng biswal na presentasyon ng isang pangyayari. Hindi natin masisisi kung ang karamihan sa mga mamamayan ay tinitingnan ang telebisyon bilang mas mainam na midyum kumpara sa radyo.

Sa katunayan, lumalabas sa isang pag-aaral ng Pulse Asia noong 2004 na ang telebisyon ay may pinakamataas na kredibilidad, ayon sa 67 porsiyento ng mga Pilipino. Sinundan ito ng radyo (20 porsiyento) at diyaryo (5 porsiyento).

Mas matanda ang dyaryo at radyo kaysa telebisyon, kaya ang mga tao’y mas kabisado na ang unang dalawang porma ng midya. Halimbawa, alam ng nakararaming Pilipino ang maaaring “daya” sa paghahatid ng balita sa diyaryo’t radyo.

Sa mata ng publiko, hindi lahat ng nakalathala sa print (salita man o litrato) ay dapat tanggaping kapani-paniwala. Hindi ba’t may mga nagsasabing ang tanging bagay na sigurado tayong tama sa diyaryo ay ang petsa nito?

Sa konteksto ng radyo, hindi ba’t minsa’y tampulan ng biruan ang ginagawa ng isang brodkaster sa radyo na kunwari’y nag-uulat sa isang delikadong lugar pero nasa loob lang pala ng kuwarto niya, binabasa ang balita sa diyaryo at gumagawa lang ng kung anu-anong sound effects para maging kapani-paniwala ang kanyang balita?

Kahit na sabihing ang telebisyon ay hindi libre sa mga pandaraya sa pag-uulat, hindi pa rin ito gaanong kabisado ng nakararaming Pilipino. Ilan lang, halimbawa, ang may alam sa paggamit ng blue screen para palabasing ang isang peryodistang nasa loob ng studio ay nag-uulat sa isang lugar.

Karamihan ay basta-basta na lang naniniwala o walang pakialam sa sinasabing ulat na eksklusibo sa isang network. Ang ganitong klaseng paniniwala o kawalan ng pakialam ay makikita rin sa mga ulat na sinasabing live report pero matagal na palang naihanda, at ang mga tanging live na bahagi ay ang intro at extro ng isang peryodista.

Masyadong makapangyarihan ang telebisyon para basta-basta na lang tanggapin ng mamamayan ang mga nilalaman nito. Lubhang kailangan ang pagpapalawak at pagpapalalim sa kaalaman ng mga tao hinggil sa midyang tinutunghayan nila.

Sana’y ang ating pagdepende sa midya sa panahon ng trahedya ay maging okasyon para sa mas lalong maging kritikal sa impormasyong nakukuha mula sa mga ito. Pinoy Weekly / Inilathala ng Bulatlat

Para makipag-ugnayan sa awtor, pumunta sa www.dannyarao.com.

Disasters, Disasters

June 30, 2008

The Filipino people are barely able to cope with weekly oil price hikes, increasing prices of rice, pork, food, and groceries, worsening unemployment, high tuition and costs of education, and impending fare hikes when Typhoon Frank wreaked havoc on the country.

BY BENJIE OLIVEROS
ANALYSIS
Bulatlat
Vol.VIII, No, 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

The Filipino people are barely able to cope with weekly oil price hikes, which has jumped by almost P14 per liter for diesel and P15 for unleaded gasoline, increasing prices of rice, which has risen by 32 percent, pork, food, which jumped 14 percent, and groceries, worsening unemployment and underemployment, high tuition and costs of education, and impending fare hikes when Typhoon Frank wreaked havoc on the country.  And now we are in the midst of confronting another maritime disaster: the sinking of MV Princess of the Stars with 124 confirmed dead, 56 survivors, and majority of the 862 passengers and crew in the manifest still missing.  It could still be worse considering that shipping companies routinely overload their decrepit ships to maximize profits.

June 25, another disaster was reported in the news: the Philippines was adjudged by the World Bank, in its 2008 Worldwide Governance Indicators, as having the worst corruption incidence among East Asia’s ten largest economies.  The country is among the bottom 22 percent in the world in terms of perceived corruption incidence.

As if that was not enough, on June 26, the country was mentioned by HSBC as the weakest Asian economy after Vietnam and the most vulnerable to rising prices and global economic slowdown.  It cited the ballooning trade deficit and the country’s inability to finance it as a major problem.

The National Statistical Coordination Board recorded a trade deficit of P41.3 billion for the 1st quarter of 2008.  The Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the Philippines) projects the trade deficit for the year to reach $11 billion, which could even be worse given the economic slowdown in the US, the top export destination of the country. As it is, the projected trade deficit for the year is more than double the $5.05 trade deficit in 2007, when the Arroyo government was trumpeting a supposed “unprecedented growth.” The trade deficit in 2006 was $4.3 billion, $6.1 billion in 2005, and $4.35 billion in 2004.  The country has actually incurred a trade deficit in most of the last 18 years, except in 1999 and 2000.

Add to this the culpability of the Arroyo government and the Armed Forces of the Philippines in the numerous, unresolved cases of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, the unresolved killings and kidnapping of journalists, and the still questionable mandate of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and we probably have the worse administration and the most disastrous period in the country after the Marcos dictatorship.

We are being plagued by natural disasters, and more are yet to come; we are experiencing the destruction of the people’s livelihood amid an economic disaster; and we are experiencing a crisis in governance that is threatening to implode if the country’s problems would remain unabated.

Perhaps the worse is yet to come, if the Filipino people would not act collectively and decisively to confront these problems now. Bulatlat

Last Salute to Captain Danilo Vizmanos

June 30, 2008

Relatives and friends paid their last salute to Retired Navy Captain Danilo Vizmanos, a man of courage and conviction. Vizmanos died last June 23 due to complications from prostate cancer and other illnesses. He was 79. Though entitled to full military honors, being a high ranking official of the Armed Forces of the Philippines in the 70s, Vizmanos or Ka Dan to his colleagues, preferred to keep it simple. Instead of honor guards and medals, the man was bestowed with praises and gratitude by people he had chosen to serve.

BY RONALYN V. OLEA
Bulatlat
Volume VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Relatives and friends paid their last salute to Retired Navy Captain Danilo Vizmanos, a man of courage and conviction. Vizmanos died last June 23 due to complications from prostate cancer and other illnesses. He was 79.

He was cremated June 28 at the Loyola Memorial Chapel in Makati.

In his speech, Retired Capt. Dante Simbulan, related how he met Ka Dan. Both were arrested at about the same time in 1974. They were held incommunicado in a storage of firearms and explosives at Camp Crame.

He did not know it was Ka Dan who was detained in the next room. They bore holes in the ceilings; through these holes, they exchanged notes. It was the start of their friendship.

Simbulan said, “During our three months in isolation, walang bisita, walang babasahin. Gusto kaming mabaliw (no visitors, no reading materials. They want us to lose our sanity.)” They decided to play chess through pieces of paper. One game would take half of the day.

Ka Dan and today’s generals

He said, “Ka Dan is a much better human being than today’s generals in the Armed Forces.”

Simbulan explained, “Many generals today have not only abandoned the honor system and the ideals of courage, intergrity and loyalty but theyalso flaunted their ill-gotten wealth, living in mansions…rubbing elbows with the high and the mighty in our society. They have lied and cheated for their superiors, including their commander in chief in order to be promoted or to get coveted assignments. On the other hand, they have jailed and court-martialed those PMA (Philippine Military Academy) graduates who still follow the straight path, who still want to tell the truth no matter what the consequence. In short, these generals today have become part of the problem, part and parcel of the corrupt oligarchy.”

He continued, “In contrast, Ka Dan Vizmanos refused to follow this pattern of behavior. He did not serve the dictator Marcos or did he benefit from such service. Instead, he fought the dictatorship who trampled upon the constitutional rights of citizens. He protested against the violations of human rights by the military and police minions of Marcos.”

Like Ka Bel

Simbulan added, “But Ka Dan did not only fight but showed enormous courage in the fight against the dictator… He demonstrated the strenght of his character, the honesty and integrity to live within his means even though like the other generals, he had the opportunity to enrich himself while holding responsible positions in the Armed Forces.”

He said, “Today, like Representative Ka Bel Beltran, he lived and died in the same old house which I knew a long time ago… Ka Dan, like Ka Bel, died a poor man. What a contrast to our ruling elites of the Congress and Malacañang! What a glaring contrast to the lifestyle of generals of the present dispensation.”

Loyalty

“Most important of all, Ka Dan Vizmanos showed his loyalty not to the ruling elites and the system they represent ut he gave it wholeheartedly to the Filipino people, especially to the suffering and oppressed masses of our society,” Simbulan said.

Another retired navy captain, Benjamin Tañedo, admired Ka Dan’s “determination to correct the evils in our country.”

He attested to the competence of Ka Dan as a Navy captain. They were classmates in the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy.

Tañedo said, “After 22 years, in 1972, Danny had the courage to fight back and retire from the Navy despite his successful stint in the Navy and Armed Forces.”

Anti-imperialist

Simbulan also said that Ka Dan criticized the long-standing dependency of the government and the military on the Americans. “He ridiculed the junk, surplus equipment that the US is giving us to modernize our Armed Forces. He caricatured the expression of gratitude of our so-called leaders to the generals of the Americans for giving us ten 40-year old helicopters,” he said.

In her speech, Marie-Hilao Enriquez, Karapatan (Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights ) secretary-general and also a “classmate” of Ka Dan in detention, talked of Ka Dan’s sharp analysis of issues, especially those relating to U.S. imperialism.

Dr. Carol Araullo, chairperson of Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan or New Patriotic Alliance), said she once asked Ka Dan’s opinion on today’s disgruntled rebel soldiers. “He told me that these young soldiers should understand that the enemies are not only the corrupt politicians but the U.S. imperialism,” she related.

In a message, the National Democratic Front (NDF) peace panel described Ka Dan as a ‘good man who devoted the best of his years to the struggle against imperialism and all reaction.’

Appetite for knowledge

Meanwhile, Rep. Satur Ocampo of Bayan Muna (People First), also a “classmate” of Ka Dan in detention, recalled Ka Dan’s appetite for food. “Napansin ko na ang sigasig niya sa pagkain ay katulad ng sigla at sigasig niya na punan ng kaalaman ang utak at paandarin ito” (I noticed that his appetite for food is comparable to his appetite to fill his mind with knowledge and let his brain work.)

Ocampo said that this led Ka Dan to question and challenge the conventional framework of the Armed Forces and the government.

Bayan’s Araullo also praised Ka Dan’s intellectual honesty. She said that through his own learning, Ka Dan came to logical, even radical conclusions. “It was a matter of conviction and intellectual vigor,” she said.

Vision

Simbulan also talked of Ka Dan’s aspirations, “He wanted our country and our armed forces to be self-reliant. He wanted to see the Philippines obtain real independence and exercise our sovereign rights as a respected member of the world,” he said.

“Ka Dan’s vision is to see our empowered people participate in government, not just a few political dynasties who lord over us in determining our future and shaping our destiny,” he said.

For Rosario Bella Guzman of IBON Foundation, Ka Dan’s life is indeed a “matter of conviction.”

“Your life is truly inspirational, even amusing,” Guzman said.

Ka Dan’s eldest son, Danilo Jr., said, “Ako’y umaasa na kung anuman ang kanyang inaasam, mga adhikain ay magkatotoo” (Whatever it is that he hopes for, his aspirations will all come true.)

He added, “Our father is a positive thinker. He believes that somehow, there’s no other way but forward.” Bulatlat

UP Centennial Bonus Released; Union Fights for Other Benefits

June 30, 2008

As the administration of University of the Philippines, the state’s premier university, spends millions of pesos for centennial celebrations, its faculty members and non-teaching employees need to assert their economic rights before getting the benefits they deserve.

BY KATRINA MACAPAGAL
Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

On June 18, President Emerlinda Roman announced the approval of a P20,000 centennial bonus for University of the Philippines (UP) employees. It was released June 26.

According to memorandum number AAS-08-30 signed by UP Vice President for administration Arlene Samaniego, all UP officials, faculty, and employees who have been in service for at least one year shall receive the centennial bonus.

Employees of the Philippine General Hospital (PGH), however, shall only receive P17,000. According to Roman, the P3,000 bonus that PGH employees received on August 2007 is already part of the centennial bonus.

The source of funding for the bonus is not included in the P150 million UP centennial fund. The memorandum reads that the centennial bonus is “chargeable against UP’s income and subject to pertinent budgetary accounting and auditing rules and regulations…” (see sidebar)

Small victory

The All UP Workers Union (AUPWU) has been pushing for the centennial bonus since the formation of the centennial committee fund on February 13, 2007.

According to AUPWU National President Noli Ano-os, although they are happy with the approval of the bonus, the grant differs from the union’s initial demand.

Okey kami na naibigay y’ung bente pero kasi y’ung proposal ay 20,000 plus 1,000 per year of service. Dito medyo marami nagreklamo” (It’s fine with us that the P20,000 was given, but the proposal was P20,000 plus 1,000 per year of service. Many complain about this), Ano-os said. He added that many UP workers have been in service for almost 30 years and deserve to be rewarded for their loyalty now that UP is celebrating its centennial.

For All-UP Academic Union National Vice President for Faculty Prof. Judy Taguiwalo, the amount will only be used to pay for incurred debts of many employees.

Fair demands

The P20,000 bonus is but one of the demands that the AUPWU has raised in their talks with the UP administration in coming months before the centennial celebration.

UP workers have also asked for rice subsidy, equal distribution of the budget for merit promotion, and extended sick leaves for UP workers. At present, only the centennial bonus and the rice subsidy have been approved.

Regarding the issue of the budget for merit promotion, Anoos explains: “Nag-allocate y’ung admin ng P20 million for merit promotion. P16 million paghahatian ng 4,000 na faculty. P4 milyon paghahatian ng halos 8,000 pang employees” (The admin allocated P20 million for merit promotion. P16 million of that will be divided among 4,000 faculty employees. P4 million will be divided among 8,000 more employees.) Ano-os argues that this is discriminatory against non-faculty UP workers.

Ano-os further argues that the same discrimination against non-faculty UP workers is evident in the demand for extended sick leaves. The UP administration has granted additional 10 days sick leave only for faculty members.

Kung mag-isip sila ng gan’ung biyaya, ipagkaloob ito sa lahat” (Having thought of giving such benefit, they should give it to all employees), Anoos said.

According to Prof. Michael Andrada, National Treasurer of the All UP Academic Employees Union, UP faculty members are united with all UP workers in their demand for fair benefits.

Sa di patas na hatian ng budget para sa merit promotion at sa isyu ng extended sick leave, malinaw ang diskriminasyon ng administrayong Roman laban sa kawani at REPS [research, extension, and professional staff]. Kaming mga guro, bagamat tila pinapaboran sa dalawang isyung ito, ay di pabor sa diskriminasyong ito at patuloy na magsisikhay para sa pagkakapantay-pantay” (On the issues of inequitable budget allocation for merit promotion and extended sick leave, it is clear that the Roman administration discriminates against non-faculty employees and REPS. We teachers, although seemingly favored on these two issues, are not in favor of this discrimination and will continue to work hard for equal treatment), Andrada asserts.

Challenges

As the UP community continues to celebrate its centennial, Anoos poses a challenge to the UP administration. “Hamon ngayong sentenyal na sana yung administrasyon natin, y’ung kanilang pagharap sa buong UP system ay tanggalin nila yung pagdi-discriminate sa sektor” (On the centennial year, the challenge for our admin is to elimitae discrimination).

In a recent statement, the AUWU also criticizes the efforts of the UP administration to advertise the centennial celebration through various forms of media. “Mas malamang na nakapatungkol ang mga anunsyong ito sa mga korporasyong pribado para mag-invest sa UP at sa mga mayayamang alumni para magbigay ng donasyon sa UP” (It is more likely that these advertisements are aimed at private corporations, seeking to encourage them to invest in UP and to wealth alumni, intending to encourage them to donate to UP), the statement read.

Despite the approved centennial bonus, Andrada poses a challenge to the UP administration and the rest of the UP community: “Ngayong sentenaryo, hamon sa UP administration na paglingkuran ang sambayanan at hindi ang makasarili at komersyal na interes nila. Lalo’t higit, ang hamon ay nasa mga miyembro ng komunidad ng UP upang huwag magpadala sa lohika ng negosyo na ipinapalaganap ng administrasyong Roman” (On the centennial year, the challenge to the UP administration is to serve the people and not their selfish and commercial interests. Above this, the challenge to members of the UP community is to not be carried away by the logic of business which the Roman administration is propagating.)

For Taguiwalo, the challenge ahead is beyond the confines of the university. She said, “Kailangang ang sama-samang pagkilos ng nagbunga ng tagumpay sa pagkakamit ng bonus ay maisanib sa lakas ng mamamayan laban sa pahirap, korap at pasistang rehimeng Arroyo” (The concerted action which resulted in success in getting the centennial bonus should be combined with the people’s showing of force against the anti-people, corrupt and fascist Arroyo regime.)

Sidebar
UP Centennial Budget Breakdown*

Item

Million (P)

Centennial Lectures
Tri Media Projection
Capital Outlay
Centennial Concert
Centennial Notes
Centennial Awards
Centennial Literary Contest
Audio Visual Presentation
History Project
Coffee Table Book
Digital Film Making Contest
Centennial Music Video
Centennial Address Book
Centennial Glass Plates
Centennial Song Contest
Centennial Newsletter
Events Poster
Administrative Expense
Honoraria (1.5 million)
Centennial Commission
Operations (1 million)
Travel ( 2.5 million)

Contingencies

P 13
12
85
5
5
2

2
2
1.4
1.5
.7
.7
.5
.5
.4
.3
.15
5




10

Total

P147.15 million

*Approved by the UP Board of Regents on September 28, 2007, at UP Los Banos.

Source: Statement of All UP Workers Union at All UP Academic Employees Union released on June 16, 2008.

Bulatlat

As Much as P31/Liter of Pump Prices Go to Windfall Profit of Oil Firms

June 30, 2008

The profiteering of oil companies only proves that oil prices are artificially bloated at international and local levels because of the dominance of transnational oil firms over the industry, which gives them the upper hand to practice monopoly pricing and speculation.

BY IBON FOUNDATION
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

But although the government cannot control the activities of oil firms at the global level, it could minimize the impact of their profiteering and control excessive oil prices by implementing strict regulation of the domestic market.

As much as P31 per liter of the pump price of oil products may be windfall profits of transnational oil firms.

This is based on IBON’s estimate of the real cost of oil at only $31-32 per barrel, consisting of exploration cost, production cost and royalties to the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

Subtracting this from the May 2008 average Dubai spot price of $117 per barrel means that the oil firms may have already earned windfall profits of $86-87 per barrel of crude oil.

Applying this figure to local pump prices (at 159 liters per barrel and an exchange rate of $1:P43) and prevailing prices as of June 14 would reveal that for every liter of unleaded gasoline, P26-P31 goes to total windfall profits. For diesel, P23-P27 per liter goes to profits. This means that oil firms’ profits account for 47-54 percent of the retail price.

The total windfall figures were obtained by combining profits from crude oil price, applying the U.S. Energy Department’s data that crude oil accounts for 48-58 percent of the local pump price, and that 12 percent of the retail price goes to profits (which includes 3 percent that used to make up oil tariffs).

This profiteering only proves that oil prices are artificially bloated at international and local levels because of the dominance of transnational oil firms over the industry, which gives them the upper hand to practice monopoly pricing and speculation.

But although the government cannot control the activities of oil firms at the global level, it could minimize the impact of their profiteering and control excessive oil prices by implementing strict regulation of the domestic market. Posted by Bulatlat

Int’l Envi Groups Hit Presence of Pesticides in Sunken Ship

June 30, 2008

Two international environmental groups have condemned the presence of a shipment of Endosulfan, a highly-toxic pesticide, aboard Sulpico Lines’ M/V Princess of the Stars, which sank last week with 57 survivors so far out of 895 passengers amid the onslaught of typhoon “Frank.” The shipment was headed for the pineapple farms of the multinational Del Monte Corporation.

BY ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO
Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Two international environmental groups have condemned the presence of a shipment of Endosulfan, a highly-toxic pesticide, aboard Sulpico Lines’ M/V Princess of the Stars, which sank last week with 57 survivors so far out of 895 passengers amid the onslaught of typhoon “Frank.” The shipment was headed for the pineapple farms of the multinational Del Monte Corporation in Mindanao.

Manufactured by Bayer Crop Science, Endosulfan is a neuro-toxic organo-chlorine substance that has been restricted in the Philippines since 1994. The Pesticide Action Network-Asia and the Pacific (PAN-AP) has described it as “one of the world’s most dangerous pesticides.”

Various scientific studies have indicated that it endangers the health of farm workers, children, as well as those living in proximate areas – with poisoning symptoms including headaches, nausea, vomiting, seizures; and, in extreme cases, unconsciousness and even death. A suspected endocrine disruptor, it has been linked to autism, male reproductive harm, and birth defects. It also affects the nervous system, causing hyper-excitement and convulsions, as well as the respiratory system and the heart. It can harm skin upon contact and is even more toxic upon inhalation and swallowing. It is feared to cause long-term damage to the aquatic environment.

Cases of Endosulfan poisonings resulting in death or severe disability have been reported mainly in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Effects on survivors include congenital deformities, delayed male sexual maturity, female hormonal disorders, congenital mental retardation, cerebral palsy, psychiatric disturbances, epilepsy, cancers; skin, eye, ear, nose and throat problems; impaired memory, and chronic malaise.

“It is totally scandalous that Endosulfan, which is banned in the Philippines, is allowed for use by cash-crop industries such as Del Monte and Dole!” said Sarugani V. Renjam, PAN-AP executive director. “The Philippine government has failed in its responsibility to protect the people of the Philippines, it should have imposed a total ban on this extremely hazardous pesticide. Why are there exemptions on Endosulfan use for these multinational companies? And it is only due to this tragic event that these issues have come to light!”

“It is outrageous that a shipment of a highly toxic substance was allowed on board a passenger vessel,” Beau Baconguis, Greenpeace campaign manager, meanwhile said. “We demand that Del Monte and the Fertilizer and Pesticide Authority be made fully accountable for this unfolding chemical disaster, the former for continuing the use of such highly toxic chemical and the latter for allowing multinational companies to use them despite the national prohibition and the scientific evidence of their toxicity.”

“This pesticide has also been found to be highly toxic to birds, fish and other aquatic organisms,” Baconguis added. “This is the reason why the Philippines has severe restrictions on the use of Endosulfan especially near or around bodies of water. The M/V Princess of the Stars disaster has now exposed that a multinational corporation like Del Monte is using tons of banned pesticides on their pineapples meant for export. That it took a tragic disaster to expose another ongoing disaster is infuriating.”

The Fertilizer and Pesticide Authority (FPA) had banned Endosulfan, but exemptions were made for Dole and Del Monte in the Philippines.

“In 1994 the Pesticides Technical Advisory Committee made recommendations to ban Endosulfan to the Philippines Pesticides Authority,” said Dr. Romeo Quijano, a toxicologist at the University of the Philippines (UP) College of Medicine and president of PAN-Philippines. “And the exemptions for Dole and Del Monte should only be in place for two years. But after this call for a ban, the Pesticides Technical Advisory Committee has not called for another meeting and has been dormant since!”

Endosulfan has been banned in the European Union and in many other countries, including Sri Lanka. The substance has been the subject of a Campaign for a Global Ban by the Pesticide Action Network, the International POPs (Persistent Organic Pollutants) Network and other concerned groups. It is being considered for global elimination under the United Nations Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants, or the Stockholm Convention – to which the Philippines is a signatory.

Meanwhile, Del Monte, Sulpicio Lines, and the Philippine Coast Guard are pointing fingers at each other as to who should be held responsible for the Endosulfan that was precariously lodged inside the sunken M/V Princess of the Stars. Because of the risk of contamination, search operations have been stopped and the people prevented from fishing in the waters of Sibuyan Sea, thereby depriving them of their primary source of livelihood. Bulatlat

Implications and Consequences of the Global Financial Crisis to the People’s Anti-Imperialist Movement

June 30, 2008

Contribution to the Forum on Global Financial Crisis,
Third International Assembly, Hong Kong, 19 June 2008

As the crisis of the world capitalist system worsens, the monopoly bourgeoisie will try to further exploit and oppress the workers. It will pit one section of the working class against another. For the purpose, it will use chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry and fascism. But it is precisely the escalating exploitative and oppressive acts of the monopoly bourgeoisie that will drive the workers to fight back and wage revolutionary struggle. The class struggle in the imperialist countries has never been eliminated. It has only been suppressed for quite a long while. It is now resurgent.

BY JOSE MARIA SISON
Chairperson, International Coordinating Committee
International League of Peoples’ Struggle
Posted by Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

I wish to comment on the gravity of the current financial crisis of the world capitalist system and  on the impact of this in the various major contradictions in the world,  with special attention to the people’s resistance in Asia,  Africa and Latin America and in the imperialist countries.

Gravity of the Global Financial Crisis

The economic and financial crisis of the U.S. and world capitalist system has worsened to a new and unprecedented level since the Great Depression. This signifies the utter failure of the attempt of the U.S. and other imperialist powers to overcome the problem of stagflation under Keynesianism with the policy shift to neoliberalism. Instead, the latter policy has aggravated and deepened the crisis of overproduction in the real economy and has given free rein to the abuses of finance capitalism.

The states of imperialist and other countries have adopted the policy to press down wage levels and cut back social spending. They have allowed the monopoly bourgeoisie to accelerate the concentration and centralization of productive and finance capital in its hands through the denationalization of underdeveloped economies, privatization of public assets, liberalization of investments and trade and deregulation at the expense of the working people, women, children and the environment – all in the name of “free market” globalization.

The consistent result has been the actual contraction of the world market, as the purchasing power of the working people has declined and has limited the demand for the products of expanded production. Ever intent on maximizing profits by raising the organic composition of capital (constant capital over  variable capital), the monopoly bourgeoisie has reduced industrial employment and regular employment in imperialist countries by shifting production to a few other countries, like China, India and the Southeast Asian countries, in order to avail of cheap labor.

The illusion of economic growth has been conjured for the entire world capitalist system through the wanton expansion of money supply and credit. The imperialist states and nearly all other states have gone into unrestrained local and foreign borrowing to cover trade and budgetary deficits.  The state and private banks have expanded credit and the private corporations have gone into heavy indebtedness by getting bank loans and issuing corporate bonds.  To maintain the U.S. as the biggest consumer market, U.S. households have been given a seemingly endless flow of credit, culminating in the housing bubble and ending in the ongoing mortgage meltdown.

The truth about the U.S. economy is now out. The sordid facts about the con game of the lead economy of the world capitalist system are being exposed. The debts of the U.S. federal government, the private corporations and households are unsustainable and cannot be paid back.  And yet the U.S. policy makers continue to expand the money supply and lower the interest rates.  The industrial decline and the runaway federal debt of the U.S. have undermined the long-touted role of the U.S. as the engine of global economic growth and the global market of last resort as well as the value of the U.S. dollar as the reserve currency of the world.

The U.S. economy has become dependent on credit provided by certain oil producing countries and by countries supplying consumer goods. It has fallen into a prolonged state of camouflaged recession since 1999 when the high-tech bubble was about to burst. Some U.S. economists now describe the US economy as being in a state of inflationary recession and is halfway into an hyper-inflationary Weimar Republic-type of depression that has a high potential of leaping into Great Depression II. The other industrial capitalist economies are being pulled into the vortex of the global financial crisis that the U.S. chiefly has stirred up.

The few other countries from which the U.S. imports cheap consumer goods face decreasing orders, a credit crunch and the declining value of the U.S. dollar. The chronically depressed underdeveloped countries in the third world find themselves in a far worse situation than before. The overwhelming majority of them have become net fuel and food importers. Their peoples are grievously victimized by the manipulated shortages and price gouging by the global and regional cartels directed by the monopoly capitalists in the U.S. and other imperialist powers. The entire world capitalist system can be summed up as being in a state of depression, especially if we fully take into account the actual social and economic conditions of the oppressed peoples and nations.

Consequences of the Global Financial Crisis

The gravity of the economic and financial crisis of the world capitalist system is such that we can expect the worsening and sharpening of contradictions between the imperialist countries and the oppressed peoples and nations, between the imperialist countries and certain countries that invoke national independence, among the imperialist powers themselves and between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class in the imperialist countries.

The crisis of the world capitalist system inflicts social devastation at its worst and suffering at its most painful on the oppressed peoples and nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America. It is therefore understandable why we see here the most widespread spontaneous and organized actions of mass protest and the revolutionary armed struggles that seek to end imperialist domination and overthrow the puppet regimes. The main contradiction in the world is that between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations.

The extent of existing revolutionary armed struggles is already formidable, as we observe those in Iraq, Afghanistan, Colombia, Peru, Brazil, Nigeria, the Philippines, Turkey, India and other South Asian countries. The potential is high for the revolutionary armed struggles to arise in more countries in several continents. The crisis of the world capitalist system generates the favorable objective conditions for the further spread of people’s wars for national liberation and democracy.

Since the end of World War II, many new national states have arisen from the colonies and semi-colonies either as a result of the revolutionary movements for national liberation or as a result of neocolonial compromise. Most of them are now in the clutches of neocolonialism and neoliberalism. But there are some states which invoke bourgeois nationalism or socialism and assert national independence against the imperialists and their agents. Those states born from successful national liberation movements, such as China, North Korea and Cuba, have been the most effective in asserting national independence and preventing U.S. aggression.

We have also seen the Yugoslavia of Milosevic and Iraq of Saddam resisting the worst of imperialist impositions and being subjected to wars of aggression launched by the U.S. Currently, there are other countries  whose governments stand up to imperialist domination and move to nationalize imperialist enterprises. Venezuela of Hugo Chavez is a prime example. As the crisis of the world capitalist system worsens, we are going to see more dramatic events in the contradictions between the imperialist countries and the countries that assert national independence.

The imperialist powers collude with each other against the oppressed peoples and nations in general. But they compete with each other for sources of cheap raw materials, markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. As a result of the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries, imperialist countries competing with each other and seeking to redivide the world have increased in number. The world has become more cramped than ever for the competitions and rivalries of the imperialist powers.

The U.S. is increasingly resented by other imperialist powers for presuming to have sole hegemony over the whole world and for trying to grab the lion’s share of spoils in every continent. At the same time, it is already overextended and weakening in certain parts of the world. Contradictions are developing between the U.S. and Russia and China jointly or separately. So are those between the US and the European Union. These contradictions involve economic, financial, political, security and other issues. As the crisis of the world capitalist system worsens, the contradictions among the imperialist powers will sharpen and generate conditions favorable for the rise of revolutionary movements.

Within imperialist countries, contradictions are surfacing between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class. Under the auspices of neoliberalism, the wage and living conditions of the working class have deteriorated drastically. Job security for most workers has evaporated. Worker youth, women and immigrants are discriminated against, exploited and oppressed.  Social benefits won over a long period of time have been gravely eroded.  Trade union and other democratic rights have been undermined and curtailed.

As the crisis of the world capitalist system worsens, the monopoly bourgeoisie will try to further exploit and oppress the workers. It will pit one section of the working class against another. For the purpose, it will use chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry and fascism. But it is precisely the escalating exploitative and oppressive acts of the monopoly bourgeoisie that will drive the workers to fight back and wage revolutionary struggle. The class struggle in the imperialist countries has never been eliminated. It has only been suppressed for quite a long while. It is now resurgent. Posted by Bulatlat

Scrimping on the Basics, Trying to Survive

June 30, 2008

As the economic crisis worsens and prices continue to surge, poor families are now cutting down even on the basics. These are stories of three women in different circumstances. But their stories are the same and all to familiar.

BY ANGIE DE LARA
Bulatlat
Volume VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Nowadays, daily survival is a headache not only for housewives but for every poor Filipino.

Tess Jusi, 47, mother of four, sells fruits to augment the income of her husband who works as a security guard. Her husband’s salary is P7,000 ($156.28 at an exchange rate of $1=P44.79) per month but the take home pay is only less than P6,000 ($133).

As of March 2008, the National Wages and Productivity Commission placed the daily cost of living for a family of six in the National Capital Region at P858 ($19.15). It means that to be able to live decently, a family needs to earn P25, 740 ($574.68) per month.

It is not surprising that Tess finds it difficult to make both ends meet for the family. Her income as a fruit vendor, an average of P75 to P100 ($1.67 to $2.23) a day, is spent for the family’s food. Her husband’s salary is allotted for their house rental, electric and water bills, and school fees for their Grade IV daughter. Their daughter, she says, goes to school without any baon (pocket money and food). Before, Tess relates that they could send their two children to college and high school at the same time, complete with a cash allowance.

As for the family’s food, Tess says that in the past, they could afford to buy a kilo of meat once a week. These days, she only buys half a kilo at least twice a month, usually during her husband’s payday. With the increase in prices of commercial rice, Tess is even more burdened. Even with the NFA (National Food Authority) rice pegged at P18 to P25 ($0.40 to $0.558) per kilogram, still, Tess cannot afford to buy more than two kilos. She also laments having to queue when buying the NFA rice as it eats up most of her time. “I would have one or two kilos of rice but I would not have the money to buy for the viand and the food for the next day because no one could take my place at the fruit stand.

Tess adds “Kaya walang silbi sa pamilya ko yung programa ng gobyerno na murang bigas na NFA”(So the program of the government selling cheap rice is useless for my family.)

Hard work is still not enough

Fe Agresam, 39, mother of three, is the breadwinner of the family. She works as a street sweeper at the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) and as a part-time laundry woman. All her children are still studying. His husband could not work because of tuberculosis.

Her monthly salary as a street sweeper is P6,000 ($133) and she earns an extra P1,200 ($26.79) as a laundry woman. She tightens her belt to meet the family’s needs – food, utilities and education. Fe also laments that most of the time, the release of her salary from DPWH is delayed for more than a month. When she finally gets it, she uses it to pay for her debts.

Much as she wants to, she can no longer afford to attend to her husband’s medical needs. “Nagpunta rin ako sa Barangay Health Center sa lugar namin para maghingi ng tulong kasi sabi sa advertisement may gamut para sa TB patient sa mga barangay pero hindi naman kumpleto, E diba pag TB na gamot kailangan full dosage ng at least anim na buwan.” (I tried to seek assistance from our village health center because it was advertised that medicines for TB patients could be availed of for free. But the TB medicines at the health center are not complete. Isn’t it that for TB to be cured, the patient must take the full dosage of medicines for six months?)

So her husband just stays at home because he cannot work with his condition.

These days, Fe says, they can no longer buy any meat for their viand; they just eat vegetables or eggs to satisfy their hunger.

Rest is a luxury for Fe. She works for more than eight hours under the sweltering heat or rain. At night, she washes other people’s clothes to augment her income.

Fe is bracing for the worse. Her contract at the DPWH would end this June; she would be replaced by another worker. “Paano ko mabubuhay ang pamilya ko mula sa kita sa paglalaba?” (How can I possibly sustain my family from my meager income as a laundry woman?)

Extending the budget

Riza Laguna, 45, works as a secretary in an insurance company. She, too, has to resort to austerity measures to cope with the increases in prices of basic commodities.

Before, she can afford to rent a room on her own for P4,000 ($89) per month, but now she needs to share it with somebody.

To be able to save money for food, she has to sacrifice other things. Instead of riding a tricycle, which cost her P16 ($0.357), she walks for two to three kilometers when going to market.

When cooking a vegetable dish, she used to add a slice of meat or fish but now she just buys a “ginisa flavor mix” (instant flavoring) to add flavor to her food. Whenever she craves for meat, she satisfies her hunger by buying a few sticks of barbeque but this still depends if she has spare money left.

Different circumstances, same stories

These three women are living in different circumstances: Tess shares the burden of trying to eke out a living with her husband; Fe has a sick husband and is the sole breadwinner; and Riza is single. But their stories are the same and are all too familiar.

Bulatlat ran a story in 2006 of urban poor families in Tondo, Manila trying to survive by eating “pagpag” (literally meaning to shake off the dirt) or leftover food thrown in garbage bins by restaurants. That was two years ago when the price of gasoline was only P39.37 per liter or 34 percent of its current price.

For most Filipinos, the question is no longer what is in store for them in the future but how they can survive another day. Bulatlat

Gasoline up by 626%, Diesel by 746%, since Deregulation

June 30, 2008

In April 1996, gasoline was only P9.50/liter, diesel P7.03. Unleaded gasoline is now priced at P59.47/liter and diesel at P52.48, a whooping 626-percent increase for gasoline, 746 percent for diesel.

BY ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO
Bulatlat
Vol. VIII, No. 21, June 29-July 5, 2008

Unabated jumps in the prices of petroleum products continue in the Philippines. Prices of gasoline and diesel have gone up 16 times, and by no less than P12 a liter, since last January alone. Gasoline and diesel prices have jumped by P15.01 and P14.00 a liter, respectively, since the start of the year.

As of June 28, gasoline stands at P59.47 ($1.33 at the June 27 exchange rate of $1:P44.79) a liter, while diesel is at P52.48 ($1.17) a liter.

Oil price hikes severely affect the prices of commodities, as petroleum products are used in the production and transportation of goods.

Data from the Center for Women’s Resources (CWR) shows that from April 2007 to April 2008, prices of prime commodities have increased by a range of 7.33-88.89 percent.

These price increases took place even as the peso is supposed to have grown stronger against the dollar from April 2007 to April 2008. Data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP or Central Bank of the Philippines) shows that from $1:P47.82 in April 2007, the peso registered at $1:P41.82 in April 2008.

Last May alone, food prices soared by 14 percent, according to the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (Bayan or New Patriotic Alliance), with commercial rice now costing no less than P32 a kilo.

The inflation rate nearly doubled from December 2007 to March this year. From 3.9 percent in December 2007, the inflation rate shot up in the succeeding three months to 6.4 percent. Last May, the inflation rate reached a nine-year high.

Oil firms have claimed that the frequent spikes in the prices of their products are offshoots of their supposed need to recover losses from the jumps in world oil prices. They have recently implemented weekly price hikes of P1.50.

But frequent oil price hikes are nothing new in the Philippines. The Philippines has been suffering from increasingly frequent oil price hikes since the deregulation of the downstream oil industry.

The downstream oil industry was deregulated in April 1996, upon the passage of Republic Act No. 8180. Two years later, RA 8180 would be replaced with RA 8479, which eliminated the first law’s provisions on tariff differential, stocking of inventories, and predatory pricing.

President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, who was a senator in 1995-1998, authored RA 8479 among other laws paving the way for the Philippines’ entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) framework.

“The problem with deregulation is that it assumes that there is free competition, meaning that supply and demand are the decisive factors,” said Arnold Padilla of Bayan’s public information department. “But the world oil industry, of which the Philippine oil industry is part, is monopolized and because of that, it is easy to dictate prices and bring these up artificially.”

“Whether or not there are oil price hikes, world oil prices have already been high to begin with, because these are dictated (by the monopolies),” Padilla, who wrote several papers on the oil industry for the socio-economic think tank IBON Foundation before joining Bayan, also said. “A deregulated environment allows the monopolies to further bring up prices of petroleum products through manipulation and transfer pricing.”

Data from the Department of Energy (DoE) show that under deregulation, the Philippines has been suffering from more frequent oil price hikes than during the pre-deregulation period. The increased frequency of oil price hikes under the deregulated environment contributed greatly to bringing prices of petroleum products to their present exorbitant levels.

Historical Pump Prices of Gasoline and Diesel
(In pesos/liter)

Period

Gasoline

Diesel

1975-1995 average

5.99

3.98

April 1996

9.50

7.03

January 2001

16.56

13.82

2003 average

18.52

15.71

2004 average

23.55

20.10

2005 average

31.91

28.74

2006 average

39.27

34.48

October 2007 average

42.45

36.95

June 28, 2008

59.47

52.48

Source: Department of Energy

Using the June 28 figures, we can see that the prices of gasoline and diesel have gone up by 626 and 746 percent, respectively, since the implementation of the Downstream Oil Industry Deregulation Act.

Both the government and oil firms have claimed that local oil price hikes are the results of uncontrollable developments in the world market. But drops in world crude prices have not always translated into slides in local oil prices, and there have been instances when oil companies in the Philippines jacked up the prices of their products even in the absence of spikes in the world market. The period 1998-August 2001 can be cited for reference.

World Crude vs. Local Oil Prices, 1998-August 2001

Period

World Crude Oil

$/petroleum barrel

Forex

P/$1

Local Gasoline

P/liter

Local Diesel

P/liter

1998 average

12.2

40.90

12.20

8.30

1999 average

17.2

39.10

12.90

8.90

2000 average

26.1

44.30

16.60

11.90

January 2001

22.9

50.90

18.10

13.80

February 2001

24.8

48.20

18.10

13.80

March 2001

23.5

48.50

18.10

13.80

April 2001

24.2

50.30

18.10

13.80

May 2001

25.6

50.50

18.60

14.30

June 2001

25.7

51.60

18.60

14.30

July 2001

23.4

53.30

18.90

14.60

August 2001

24.5

51.90

18.70

14.40

Source: Business World, Sept. 5, 2001

Recent data from IBON Foundation shows that as much as P31 a liter of the pump prices of petroleum products in the Philippines go to oil companies’ windfall profits.

IBON based its figures on its estimates of the actual cost of oil at $31-32 per barrel. By subtracting this from the May 2008 average Dubai spot price of $117/barrel, IBON estimates that the oil firms may have already earned windfall profits of $86-87for every barrel of crude oil.

Applying this to local pump prices, at $159/barrel of crude oil in the world market and using a $1:P43 exchange rate, IBON came up with figures showing that P26-31/liter and P23-27/liter of the prices of gasoline and diesel, respectively, go to oil companies’ windfall profits.

“The market should be regulated,” Padilla said. “This means automatic price adjustments should not be allowed.”

The effects of automatic and arbitrary price adjustments under the Philippines’ deregulated regime have been aggravated by speculation in the futures market, which has intensified since 2001 – the year the U.S. launched its global war on “terror.”

“That aggravated the situation,” Padilla said. “If before prices were already unaffected by the dynamics of supply and demand, but prone to manipulation because of deregulation, speculation pushed oil prices further up.”

“This issue of speculation actually boosts our argument against deregulation,” Padilla also said. “This boosts our argument for regulation.” Bulatlat

43 bodies from sunken ship reach Bicol waters

June 30, 2008

LEGAZPI CITY—The Office of the Civil Defense (OCD) in Bicol Wednesday has accounted so far 43 dead bodies retrieved from the waters of the region and listed some 54 survivors from a number of sea mishaps at the height of Typhoon Frank, of which MV Princess of the Stars recorded the highest fatalities of over 800 passengers.

Aside from the MV Princess of the Stars that sank in rough seas off Sibuyan Island in Romblon, the OCD Bicol reported that at least eight fishing boats and one cargo vessel also went down under the sea last Saturday.The OCD said that among the fishing boats that capsized from the battering of Typhoon Frank included F/B Mary Eugence, F/B Junar, F/B Nicole Louise 2, M/V Princess Claire, F/B South Seas, a cargo vessel loaded with coal, and Lake Paoay. There were some 129 crew members in the eight fishing vessels.

Supt. Theodore Reuben Sindac, police provincial director of Masbate, reported that the 43 dead bodies retrieved by fishermen in the waters off Masbate Island and he added that in his province another 14 persons were missing and 15 persons rescued after the sea mishaps.

Sindac said that four crew members of F/B Nicole Louise 2, a 44.33 tonner vessel owned by certain Allan Daniel of Cadiz City, were rescued in Barangay Mahayahay, Cawayan, Masbate.

He identified three survivors from Escalante, Negros Occidental the fishermen of Masbate rescued as Rogelio Ancayos Mermida, 62, of Danao Port, Geronimo Sante Guardiana, 36, and another one from Cadiz City identified as Salvador Marcos Sina, 38.

Sindac said the fishing vessel of the survivors was hit by a tornado at the height of the typhoon in Cebu City and later they were swept to the waters off the coast of Masbate.

He said that the list of missing persons from the sea mishaps included Sandy Guelos, Eusenio Artajo, Victor Nepangue, Freddie Mansan, Antonio Hugasan Jr., Nandy Pasilan, Dondon Nepangue, Junel Sagal, Ronnie Nasic, Raymundo Barellas, Joel Abargues, Joseph Siboyro, Eduardo Bagaporo and Roger Avanud.

The Masbate police director said that a certain Benedicto Tamayo, 47, of Sebunag in Guimaras, Iloilo was also rescued Monday in Barangay Pasig, Claveria, Burias Island. Tamayo was a crew of F/B Mary Eugence.

A day earlier, Jomer Siasco, Antonio Berder and Allan Posadas were rescued while 11 dead bodies were also retrieved in the shores of the towns of Esperanza and Balud in Masbate province.

OCD Bicol chief Bernardo Alejandro told Bombo Radyo-Legazpi Wednesday that officials from the Department of Health, Department of Social Welfare and Development and Philippine National Police had accompanied him to the search and rescue operation in the towns of San Pascual and Claveria.

Alejandro said the team went to the coastal towns on board a two helicopters the Southern Luzon Command provided.

He reported that they found 12 decomposing bodies in San Pascual town who were ordered buried after health officials took samples from the cadavers for identification.

In Claveria town, Alejandro said, 20 survivors were sent home after their identities had been recorded and added that six fishermen fatalities were identified with the aid of the fellow fishermen.(BicolMail)

Editorial Cartoon: Campaign Period

June 30, 2008

It officially started.

Pacquiao makes history, wins fourth world title

June 30, 2008

JOT DOWN Manny Pacquiao’s name in the pages of boxing’s history book.

The Filipino ring icon, effectively controlling the match with his right jab, ended David Diaz’s reign with a crisp left shot to win the WBC lightweight belt via an astounding knockout at the Mandalay Bay Events Center in Las Vegas.

Pacquiao snapped Diaz’s head with a mean right jab, moved in closer to his opponent and unleashed a 1-2 capped by his powerful left that sent the mexican-American down.

Referee Vic Drakulich waved the fight off at the 2:24 mark of the tound.

Leading on the scorecards by a mile (Inquirer had the new champion up, 78-64, entering the ninth), Pacquiao decided to put the pressure on Diaz, who surprised the Filipino with a granite chin that took a lot of beating.

“I gave a lot of power shots and he’s still standing,” an amazed Pacquiao told a television interviewer. “I (was) very surprised that Diaz was so tough. He’s the toughest opponent [I've faced].”

Even more amazed was Diaz, who was hoping to stretch the match into the late rounds, where he is more comfortable fighting.

“I was saying ‘he doesn’t hit that hard’ and all of a sudden i was on the floor and what the heck,” a gracious Diaz said.

“He was f****ng fast,” Diaz said. “I didn’t see [the left hand] coming.”

But the left hand was just part of the whole package. In a brilliant show of boxing skills all night, controlled the match effectively with solid, head-snapping right jabs that kept Diaz at bay.

Pacquiao got the surprise of his life after the match when the NBA champions Boston Celtics visited him at the dug-out. Pacquiao had predicted the Celtics to win in six games and the world champions repaid that faith by watching the match and cheering for him.

“I’m his No. 1 fan,” Kevin Garnett, standing beside Pacquiao, said.

With Garnett were Paul Pierce and Ray Allen, the two members of the Big three, and the likes of Rajon Rondo and Sam Cassell.

Pacquiao went to work early, controlling the first three rounds behind the jab before the left started to find its mark starting the fifth.

Diaz was in trouble in the eighth as Pacquiao twice had him reeling against the ropes. The Chicago-raised boxer kept bleeding out of his right eyebrow, but said the cut never bothered him.

“I kept telling the doctors that I could see perfectly,” Diaz said. “At the end of the day, he caught me with a good shot and you just have to say that he was the better man.”

Pacquiao’s lightweight conquest comes after wresting the WBC super featherweight crown from Juan Manuel Marquez last March.(PDI)

Youth Speak: My hero is Bonifacio

June 28, 2008

By CRISTINE MAE C. TALANAY

I admire Jose Rizal’s brilliant mind. It was through his pen that his love for the Filipinos was expressed. Indeed, he died in Bagumbayan for the Filipinos. He had this ideal way of fighting in the most peaceful way. He indeed is a hero…but for me, my national hero is Andres Bonifacio.

I believe that action speaks louder than words. Bonifacio’s way was more striking than Rizal’s during those times as I can see. I think the best way to release yourselves from people enslaving you is through struggle. Writings would not be enough especially when almost all whom you expect to read do not know how to read. At times, we need to struggle in order to live.

For example, a person placed in a box may catch attention by making noise but he may not move out from the box if he would not do some moves and struggle his way out.

I think Bonifacio should be the national hero because in my opinion, a hero is someone who is not afraid to take risks to save people and to fight for their rights…someone who uses his brains and arms. I would still say that there might have not been a Bonifacio without Rizal. They played major parts in Philippine history and they both deserve all the respect and gratitude from the people. #

Cristine Mae C. Talanay finished Bachelor of Science in Nursing at the Easter College, Baguio City.

Youth Speak: I am proud we had Rizal

June 28, 2008

By KRISTINE B. LEYGO

Rizal spent his life helping his country be it in the fight for freedom, curing the people, teaching the youth and building a home that is open for everyone. His being a hero is not based on how many battles he had been through but rather it is on how he helped Filipinos live on their own fight for independence and work with unity.

Rizal was the one who said that the youth are the hope of the nation. For me, this is an encouragement to every youth in any generation to begin life the best way they can. Truly, Rizal is a good inspiration to us to do well in our study, take every opportunity that comes our way and live our lives the best way we could. Through all of these Rizal teachings, many of us were inspired and made him a model that could be or must be followed.

His articles made the Spaniards aware that they are being fought by Filipinos for their independence. It was his writings that made most Filipinos, stand up and fight for their rights. Rizal wrote all his articles without fear of his life. He truly loved his country and he died for his country.

More than a century had passed but Rizal’s memories, his work and efforts are still commemorated for us to be proud of that once in our history we had a Rizal who stood up for our freedom. #

* Kristine B. Leygo finished Bachelor of Science in Nursing at the Easter College, Baguio City

Women’s Front: The impact of global hunger

June 28, 2008

By INNABUYOG-GABRIELA

Groups of women, mostly activists working with rural and indigenous women gathered for a workshop in Hong Kong this June 18, to discuss about women and the global hunger. This is part of the International League of Peoples Struggles (ILPS) event on its Third International Assembly.

The ILPS is a broad-anti-imperialist organization which was established in May 2001 and has 18 study commissions on various concerns, one of them indigenous peoples, national minorities and nationalities and another women. Innabuyog will be attending to share how indigenous women are hit by the worsening food crisis and the increasing global hunger and poverty, in the women’s workshop.

Women contribute to the production of food for the whole world, whether as direct (agricultural) producers, agricultural workers, or food factory workers. From preparing the land up to bringing the produce to the market, women are part of the process. Between rice planting and harvesting for example, women often have to find extra source of food for the family while waiting for the harvest, making them non-stop producers of sustenance.

According to the US Census International Database, current world population is estimated at 6.7 billion. While there is enough food to feed everyone, an estimate of more than 850 million people are severely food insecure (Ibon, nov 2007, p. 5) and 70% of this are women and girls according the UN World Food Program. Current studies by the World Bank shows that an estimate of 100M more people in each continent are pushed into hunger.

Protesting food crisis

Last year skyrocketing prices of basic commodities such as oil, food and utilities drove the usually peaceful Buddhist monks in Burma to stage protest actions demanding government intervention which in turn reacted by killing and abducting thousands of protesters.

2008 ushered in a number of food riots and protests actions over high prices from all parts of the world—Mexico, Haiti, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Cote d’Ivorie, Egypt, Guinea, Mauritania, Mexico, Morocco, Senegal, Uzbekistan and Yemen.

In the Philippines the price of rice, the country’s staple food, rose up to more than 100% in a span of two weeks forcing women and children to line up under a 40-degree Celsius heat of the sun for at least two hours to buy a maximum of three kilos of cheap rice sold by the government.

Poverty

Imperialist plunder of poor and developing nations has exacerbated the conditions of the working class people of the world and tripled the burden of women. Neo-liberal policies have practically crushed the vital industries and agricultural economies of the Third World resulting to the massive displacement of people’s jobs, homes and livelihoods. More than one billion people in the world today, the great majority of whom are women mostly in the developing countries, live in unacceptable conditions of poverty,.

The issue of hunger among women is rooted both in the economic programs and policies implemented by governments as required by need and greed of imperialism and by the feudal-patriarchal culture that prevails in many countries.

Food production in Third World countries is in chronic crisis. Backward agricultural production, land monopoly and an export oriented and import dependent economy has been keeping farmers from producing enough rice for local consumption. Imperialist globalization has exacerbated this crisis by imposing land and crop conversion resulting in less lands available for food production. The existence of food/rice cartels and global warming is also affecting the output of farmers both in third and first world countries.

Feudal relations

The feudal relations in agriculture between tenant and farmer is carried on/mirrored between a husband and his wife. Despite being a major force in agricultural production, women’s work in general is considered only as an “added” force to the men’s work. Their work at home is considered the main responsibility of women and is unpaid because it “comes with being a woman.”

In the simple distribution of food among the members of the family, the best and most nutritious food is given to the men because they do the hard work and that they earn for the family.

So that during crisis women have to divide what they have among the husband and the children first and will make do with whatever is left—if there is anything left at all.

In many countries women, who are not allowed to own lands and other properties in their names, are considered properties of father, husband or brother. The chances of women owning and tilling land have become next to impossible due to globalization policies of land conversion.

Chronic hunger

Families are being poisoned by eating unknown fruits or root crops because of extreme hunger. In the Philippines for example, women and children scavenge for leftovers from fast foods and restaurants to re-cook and eat, this is known as “pagpag”. Governments’ lack priority and interest in providing health care and education services to women instead allots majority of its budget to paying debts to teh IMF-WB and military services. Thus chronic malnutrition, health ignorance and diseases are passed from mother to child.

The loss of jobs and livelihoods in the countrysides resulted in an unprecedented phenomenon of migration to cities and other countries. Women, as family caretakers, have fallen prey to illegal recruitment and trafficking forcing them to work in deplorable conditions and inhumane wages. Women working in sweatshops and export processing zones are more vulnerable to sexual harassment and intimidation because companies who operate as such are not required to comply with labor laws such as minimum wage, union membership, etc.

In a March 8 statement in 2006 , Prof. Jose Ma. Sison wrote, “US-led imperialism pretends to be an advocate of women’s rights while transforming them into chattel for multinational corporations and commodity for the labor and sex markets. US-led imperialism proposes to bring “democratic rights” to women even as it maintains by brute force, in alliance with local reactionaries, economies that create an endless supply of impoverished women to exploit in their own homes or in sweatshops.”

The burden of feeding the family lies in the hands of women—whether there is food or not. Many have resorted to anti-social activities such as theft, drug trafficking, and prostitution, or even pimping their own children to paedophiles, just to survive a hand-to-mouth existence.

Baby making is becoming popular among young women in urban poor communities. Women as young as 13 are offering their wombs for childless couple in exchange for a meager sum of money and food for the next nine months of pregnancy. Chronic food crisis in fishing and agricultural areas gave birth to a kind of prostitution called “palit-bigas” where women prostitute themselves in exchange of a kilo of rice or “palit-isda” for a kilo of fish.

Battered women, when asked why their husbands hit them, would answer “he is hot tempered because we do not have money to buy food.” Although economic crisis is never an excuse for violence in the family, beating women is always a good reason for men to bend their anger and frustration.

Because of the current food crisis people more and more people are experiencing chronic hunger. And because they are hungry it is natural for them to seek ways to feed their familiesb and demand responsibility and action from their governments.

While people are getting hungry we expect that imperialist hegemony and control will take more vicious forms, structures and modes to subvert the people’s will and resistance. It will mount all and every form of assaults to perpetuate itself.

But women are breaking in from the sidelines and are more actively participating in the anti-imperialist movements in their countries. Women realize that only they can liberate themselves. By breaking loose from religious taboos and patriarchal culture, women who comprise half of the world’s people have engaged in various roles to fight and struggle against hunger and violence brought about by imperial hegemony and worldwide fascism and chauvinism.

Women from both the capitalist and developing countries have to join hands in order to fight imperialism’s onslaught and demand responsibility from puppet governments and imperialists for the crisis that is starving millions of people. Their coming together will yield a wealth of data and information on the current food crisis and its effects on women and children. This will provide the context and landscape wherein the anti-imperialist movement is advancing. In like manner, sharing experiences, tactics and strategies will serve as an important link to strengthen the bonds, unity and struggle of the world’s women in the fight against imperialist attacks on women’s life and livelihood. #

Economics and Society: The food crisis as crisis of imperialism

June 28, 2008

By ARTURO BOQUIREN

In an attempt to shift away the blame on the food crisis a.k.a. “food price crisis” from her administration, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo tried to misrepresent the food crisis as a world crisis in which the country can do nothing about.

True, the current food crisis is a world crisis. More accurately, it is a crisis of imperialism. It is crisis of an economic system that relies too much on trade liberalization, a policy rammed down on our throats by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank through their paid hacks. Imperialism continually attempts to create a world in which people are dependent on the market because that would imply that corporations rather than the state control public life.

Through a control or dominance of the purse, United States imperialism has effective control on the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank even if they are multi-lateral bodies or organizations supposedly established by several nations. The two are the prime instruments of imperialism in promoting free-marketeer economics.

The Arroyo administration is a willing accomplice in the promotion of the erroneous policy and is, therefore, just as accountable as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank for the food crisis that we are in. In fact, President Arroyo, during her senate years, was one of the sponsors for our blind subservience to the policies of the World Trade Organization.

The current food crisis that we are in is not simply attributable to the oil price hike. Yes, the oil price hike is contributory but it is not the main cause of the food crisis. For instance, the price of many varieties of rice has risen today by as much as 50% since January of this year but the price of oil has risen by much less. Further, oil is only a small percentage of the production cost of rice.

We cannot blame supply and demand as the principal cause of the price hikes. For instance, during the first quarter, world demand for oil decreased from 86.66 to 85.73 million barrels per day while world oil supply increased from 85.49 to 86.17 million barrels per day. Based on the figures, the price of oil should even decrease. Yet, the price of oil increased by around 20-30% today from January 2008.

Indeed food riots have taken place in many parts of the world. However, the riots did not take place in all parts of the world. Internal policies play a role on whether we will be vulnerable to a world crisis that is the creation of imperialism.

By refusing to adequately assist farmers on their production woes, the Arroyo administration is directly responsible for the food crisis we are in. The developed nations are known for their subsidies on agriculture. Conventional economists like Arroyo frown at subsidies on agriculture but developed nations simply ignore the mental baggage of the conventional economists.

Developed nations subsidize their agriculture as a pragmatic approach to policy: the world has risks, the markets may be working well today but they may not be working well tomorrow. A pragmatic approach to policy bet on two workhorses: the workhorse of the market and the workhorse of the state. If one fails to provide food, the other can fill up the inadequacies or shortcomings of the former.

Markets promote efficiency but they are good in promoting efficiency for goods whose sole value is monetary. Unfortunately, however, the value of a good is not only monetary but they can have intangibles or values that are not immediately quantifiable with monetary equivalent.

Food production, for instance, may not be the option that would provide the highest monetary returns for land. However, if there is no food production, food security will be affected and the food insecurity will be translated into food riots, disorder, and social discord. The end result can be dangerous to society. Market prices do not capture the costs associated with food insecurity when markets make a decision on prices.

Even the fundamental theories of economics say that welfare level is not necessarily lower when an economy is inefficient. Welfare level can even be higher in spite of the inefficiency that may result if markets are not working well. For instance, the goods that society produces may not be those that would yield the highest returns and there can be inefficiency. However, if the set of goods guarantees food security for all, welfare level can be at the highest level.

Another way of looking at the problem is this: markets can be good at allocating resources in terms of short-term efficiency but state leadership, especially if people’s interests control the state, can take a longer-term view. As long as imperialism is dominant, however, it would be difficult for the state to take a longer-term view. State policies will remain free-marketeer. #

(The writer maintains a blog at www.geocities.com/arturoboquiren. Comments can be coursed through www.nordis.net, artboquiren2040@yahoo.com, and +63927-536-8431)

Brutally Frank: Ces Drilon kidnapping: a stage play?*

June 28, 2008

By MARY ANN MANJA BAYANG

I was in Davao City at the height of the negotiations for the release of kidnapped broadcaster Ces Drilon. I was in front of the television with locals from Mindanao as a teary-eyed Drilon was released by her “abductors” hours after a local plane landed in Southern Mindanao.

Allegedly on board was an unidentified lawyer carrying two duffel bags full of P15 million in cold cash.

“So, this is all for show,” I told a local who appeared to be trite on the whole incident of the “kidnapping” but who pitied Ces and her family so much for being victims of what she claims to be a stage play.

The reaction among my companions was common – this is all a stage play where the heroes are the actual villains. There was a common sentiment of hopelessness as the “audience” watch a play that keeps repeating the story.

I inquired further on the issues of kidnappings in Mindanao from the locals who were all so willing to answer my queries and satisfy my curiosity. From my discussions with them, I learned a lot of things that can only be gained from people on the ground and which never reach the press for public information.

According to these locals, there are two different groups of Abu Sayaff, one based in Basilan and the other in Sulu. The one in Sulu is allegedly a “loose group” while the one in Basilan is reportedly controlled by a consortium of the government military, police and local officials.

It was explained to me that the “kidnap-for-ransom” activities of these groups are their way of remorse against a government that seems to have neglected them or that continues to violate their basic rights.

Unacceptable as it may be to the other people, their way of demonstrating their issues against the government is to them, the only way to get the government’s attention to them and to their historically government-neglected communities.

Why do they say that the military, police and local officials are in connivance with the kidnappers? It is public knowledge.

People from Basilan and Sulu, like in many other small communities in the country, are always almost related to each other and are knowledgeable of what each of them are doing in their lives. Each one knows everyone and even knows where to locate anyone. It is common knowledge that anyone who enters these territories should have the permission from the local officials, police and military.

These are communities who are supposed to have, at the entrance to the village, a sign that reads “Enter at your own risk!” Indeed, risk will be certain when entry is done without the permission of “un”concerned people.

The locals said they strongly suspect that Ces did not seek this required permission therefore the directors of the stage play wanted to teach her a lesson and to make her know who calls the shots in the territory.

They say that the person who acted as a “guide” for Ces and her group was indeed publicly known as a military agent. This is one manifestation that the military is an inseparable element in the stage play.

The locals also posed a question on the credibility and interest of the local officials who were acting as “negotiators” in the play. They posed questions such as: why do the local officials have to be the ones to receive the ransom money? Why can they negotiate for a release after payment of ransom when they cannot negotiate for a mere safe release when they are supposed to have the authority over their territories?

In the case of the Gracia Burnham abduction, the victims were loaded in a chopper blindfolded and brought to Zamboanga. Only the military and the wealthy public officials have the capacity to own a chopper. Besides, aviation procedures make air travel really easy to track and regulate.

How about the ransom? These are people who come from extremely impoverished communities. The actual abductors are pushed to the wall by their economic needs and their desperate claims for genuine change and economic development.

The military, police and local officials allegedly make this as their milking cow to serve their own personal interests. This is where the money used to buy votes for the political elections allegedly comes from. So one may expect higher incidents of kidnapping, robbery and theft around the time when an election is approaching, locals observe.

How can the ordinary people’s call for genuine change and development harmonize with the interests of the politicians, police and military?

It is an “all-in-one” stage play. The “kidnapping” alerts the immediate attention of Malacañang and the public. It is a clamor for the palace to look into the issues and for the public to give the necessary pressure for its lady occupant to “do something.”

People in these areas are so desperate for social change and are so frustrated with Malacañang for not addressing their issues. They are sad that the media do not portray their real situations. This makes media persons the preferred victims in kidnapping.

The innocent victims in the play are usually exposed to the desperate lives of the “kidnappers”. They are made to personally know the issues and see the actual situations of these people and are expected to be ambassadors of true information in the hope that in the end, genuine social change will happen in their communities.

The ransom share is a mere incidental bonus to their primary call and a means of supporting what they believe is the “proper way” to call the attention of the government. For the other actors behind the scene, these incidents are sources of easy money to fuel selfish interests and perpetuate themselves in power.

I have no right to immediately judge the “kidnappers” as to whether their way of putting forward their issues to the proper authorities is proper or not. I may have no personal knowledge of the involvement of the local officials, the military and the police in all these “kidnappings” which the locals see as “stage plays” where, among the actors, the victim is the only person not given the script.

One thing for certain, there are genuine issues in these areas that need immediate and sincere attention. The “kidnappings” will never be solved by even a thousand military operations. It can only be resolved through a genuine social program that will address the real issues of a people who have been historically neglected abd have been suffering from institutionalized oppression and exploitation. #

(Footnotes)

* The contents of this article are information I gathered from discussions with locals in Mindanao and are not asserted in any way as portraying the truth of the situation.(NorDis)

Ilocos fiscal dismisses theft charges vs. UNP campus newshen

June 28, 2008

VIGAN CITY — A Vigan City prosecutor dismissed the theft charges filed against a student journalist of the University of Northern Philippines (UNP).

According to the Resolution signed by City Prosecutor Dedicacion Banua, the Criminal Complaint for Theft filed by . Nolito Ragunjan, coordinator for Student Publications of UNP-Vigan, was dismissed because the City Prosecutor’s Office finds no probable cause to hold Ma. Criselda Diocena for trial.

Said court resolution stated that the “taking” referred to in Art.308 of the Revised Penal Code, must be accompanied by the intention, at the time of the taking, of withholding the thing with some character of permanency.

“So if the taking is momentary as when the purpose of the offender is to return the things to the owner when he was apprehended, intent to gain is not present,” the resolution noted citing People vs. Visconde 75 Phil. 520.

Ragunjan charged Diocena and Rafal, editor-in-chief of Tandem and former student regent respectively, of robbery before the complaint was amended to theft charged solely to Diocena.

Intent to gain

The resolution upheld the stand of Diocena that she has the unlimited access to the Student Resource Center (SRC) where the alleged Central Processing Unit (CPU) is located.

“It is settled that the allegedly missing CPU is with the SRC of UNP and had been there since the report that the same was missing.” The resolution stated, and added that, “It was removed from one office only to be transferred to another office of the same University. Meaning, it is still within the custody of the University and not transferred to anybody, it is within the control and free disposal of the University.”

The resolution stressed that the elements of intent to gain and unlawful taking could “hardly be inferred”.

According to the Revised Penal Code, Theft has the following elements: a) Intent of gain; b) Unlawful taking; c) Personal property belonging to another; d) Absence of violence or intimidation against persons or force upon things; and e) without the consent of the owner.

Persecution campaign

Human Rights groups in Ilocos welcomed the decision of the City Prosecutor’s Office. In a joint statement issued by Tanggulan Youth Network for the Advancement of Human Rights and Ilocos Human Rights Advocates (IHRA), said that the decision only showed that attempts to hide the truth would succeed.

However, they dismissed the thought that the harassments will stop.

These fabricated cases are meant to persecute the students fighting for the rights of the students. The statement noted stating that the dismissal of Diocena does not end the continuing persecution among student activists.

“As part of the educational system that is commercialized, colonial and fascist, it is expected that they will continue their vilification campaign against Diocena, Pelayo among others to demoralize the students in asserting their rights,” the statement stressed.

Diocena for her part, also welcomed the prosecutor’s decision, however, she feared that another trumped up charges are yet to come.

“According to Office of Student Affairs (OSA), there is still a pending case against me,” Diocena lamented. “With this continuing repression, my future is at stake,” she said.

As this developed, Diocena and the College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) lobbied the issue to the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) and rallied in front of CHED’s national office last week to call for the reopening of Tandem and to stop campus press freedom violations committed by the UNP administration. # Rod Tajon(NorDis)

Noise barrage greets another oil price hike

June 28, 2008

BAGUIO CITY — Militant group Anakbayan led a noise barrage at the KM 0 here Saturday to greet another round of oil price hike. HIGHWAY ROBBERY. Students convey their grievances at yet another oil price hike in a noise barrage protest led by youth group Anakbayan at Kilometer 0 last Saturday. Photo by Myko Franco Chiong/NORDIS In the face of the escalating economic crisis under the Arroyo government, the youth group called for the scrapping of the 12% Value Added Tax (VAT) on oil, electricity, and other basic commodities that most affect the people as well as the economy. Anakbayan calls for a thorough review of the Oil Deregulation Law. The group believes that the government must take an active, pro-people stand now on the issue of oil hikes and the economic crisis. According to Sloan Ramos, Anakbayan Metro-Baguio spokesperson, “This includes immediate and long-term actions, not cash dole-outs.” “With 70% of oil prices going directly to the profit of oil companies, it’s a lie to claim that they have no option but to increase. All they need is the pro-people political will to rollback prices,” he said. “But we won’t expect them to do that.” Further, he said the Arroyo administration’s inability to truly shelter the Filipino people from the economic crisis is “another reason for her ouster.” Anakbayan calls for a series of protest actions in every instance of price increase for oil and other basic commodities. “This noise barrage is only a part of wider and prolonged mass actions on the economic crisis and the Arroyo administration’s misgovernment, leading towards a huge crowd for Arroyo’s State of the Nation Address on July.” Anakbayan says. # Paula Pamintuan-Riva(NorDis)

Vizcaya dad outlaws open-pit mining

June 28, 2008

BAYOMBONG, Nueva Vizcaya — A senior provincial board member proposed an ordinance to outlaw open-pit mining in the province in its June 18 regular session.

Lawyer Edu Balgos, a board member of the mineral-rich south district, titled his proposed legislation “The Anti-Open-Pit Mining Ordinance”.

The move came amid an intensifying conflict between the local folk, the provincial government here and the Australian firm OceanaGold over the lands tax issues.

“It is hereby declared that the Province of Nueva Vizcaya is an open-pit mining-free province” reads Section 3 of the proposed ordinance. The same seeks to jail violators for not more than one year. A fine of P5,000 is also being asked as penalty for erring persons or entities.

Reacting to public statements made by the provincial government earlier, OceanaGold big wigs doubted a sudden turn around in the stand of Governor Luisa Lloren Cuaresma. It may be recalled that it was during her term as vice-governor that Didipio-Gold Copper project was endorsed by the provincial board. The endorsement prompted the issuance of the project’s Environmental Compliance Certificate (ECC).

Ramoncito Gozar, OceanaGold Philippines’ vice-president for communications and external affairs, expressed the prevailing sentiment of the Philippine Chamber of Mines over the conflict.

“Mining industry members are puzzled as to this recent turnaround in position of the local government to a project that has been long publicly discussed and presented to community for the past ten years and long in its development process,” reads a text message Gozar sent to members of the Nueva Vizcaya Press Club.

Peter Duyapat, leader of Didipio Earthsavers Multi-purpose Association or Desama, however, criticized OceanaGold’s use of it vast financial resources to overcome local opposition to the project.

“If they will not even listen to a governor, why would they listen to small people like us?” Duyapat said.

Desama challenged before the Supreme Court the constitutionality of the contractual instruments used by OceanaGold to legitimize its operation. Desama lost in that case, now widely known in jurisprudence as Desama vs. Gozun.

With the issue on local taxes now getting the spotlight, lobby groups led by Legal Rights Center and the Friends of the Earth Philippines believe there is a ground to reopen the debate before the Supreme Court, taking off from the Didipio-Gold Copper Project’s flawed fiscal record.

In another statement, Clemente Bautista, spokesperson of Kalikasan People’s Network for the environment, said the on-going inquiry of the House Committee on National Minorities will also weaken OceanaGold’s position after serious flaws were noted in the process of acquiring easement and land rights from indigenous peoples who are mostly from Ifugao. Rep.Teodoro Casiño of Bayan Muna authored House Resolution 594 which is now under deliberations at the House Committee on National Minorities. # Abe Almirol(NorDis)

Another OFW detained for theft — Migrante

June 28, 2008

BAGUIO CITY — Another migrant worker is languishing in an Arabian prison after being accused of theft when she ran away from her employer at the end of her three-year contract as domestic helper in Saudi Arabia.

Last April, Francisco Castrodes sought Migrante-Metro Baguio when Saudi police arrested his wife, Nama, who was employed as domestic helper in Saudi Arabia. She was later accused of stealing her employer’s passport.

Earlier in February 28, Francisco asked Overseas Workers’ Welfare Administration (OWWA) in Region 1 about his wife’s case. After waiting for a month, the government agency still could not provide information that Francisco requested. He also went to the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) Region 1 on March 28 but did not get the help he needed.

According to Francisco, his wife finished her employment contract and was supposed to come home to her family in December last year. Her employer did not allow her forcing Nama to run away from her employer in February.

While in detention, Nama was allowed to call her husband and she told him her ordeal. She said she would be transferred to a Jeddah prison, that made her family worry. Nama has two little children in San Jose, Bani, Pangasinan.

Frustrated at how the Philippine government agencies handle cases, dependents of overseas Filipino workers (OFW) continue to flock to Migrante for help, Flora Belinan of Migrante Metro Baguio said.

Migrante-Metro Baguio requested OWWA-Cordillera and Usec. Esteban Conejos of the Office of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers’ Affairs (OUMWA-DFA) to intervene in behalf of the Castrodes family for the immediate release from prison and repatriation of Nama. Migrante KSA also sent the same letters to Consul General Ezzedin Tago in Jeddah.

On June 4, Nama called Francisco. She said she was still at the Al Wajh Police Station. She further said that she was advised by one of the authorities that only a representative from the Philippine embassy could take her out from where she is at present.

The same day, a follow up letter was directly sent again by Migrante to Tago in Jeddah. Tago said he only received the approval of the Ministry of Interior the permit for jail visit and that consulate representatives would be visiting the complainant, Nama, on June 7. No update has since been heard from the consul.

“Migrante-Metro Baguio calls on the Philippine Consulate in Jeddah and other responsible government agencies to immediately look into the case and give Nama’s case due attention,” Belinan pleaded. # Claire Daguio(Nordis)

Debate continues on CHEd memo on nursing

June 28, 2008

BAGUIO CITY — While educators’ groups opposed the implementation of an education order on Nursing, almost all colleges and universities in the Cordillera region adopted the said policy, according to Cordillera education officials.

Commission on Higher Education (CHED) Memorandum Order No. 5 would mandate more hours for the related learning experiences and additional subjects for the Bachelor of Science In Nursing (BSN).

“Except for two schools, all colleges and universities offering Nursing in the region have adopted CMO No. 5 and they are up for implementation for this school year 2008-2009,” said Melody Labawig, CHED-CAR education supervisor.

In an interview, Labawig cited that only Easter College and the Ifugao State College of Agriculture and Forestry, both offering BSN, deferred the implementation of the said memorandum.

Labawig cited that on May 23, CHED Chairman Romulo Neri issued a memorandum which provides flexibility for the implementation of CMO No. 5. In the order handed to this writer, colleges and universities are either to implement the order this school year or defer its implementation by one school year.

The order stated that “higher educational institutions (HEIs) must inform in writing their respective CHED Regional Office as to which option to take” adding, “HEIs newly granted authority to open the BSN program starting school year 2008-2009 should follow CMO No. 5 series of 2008.”

Anti-CMO

Neri issued CMO No. 5 in March. It calls for longer hours of duty for nursing students spread on the four year period of the course. HEIs under the umbrella of the Coordinating Council of Private Educ (COCOPEA) and Private Association of Colleges and Universities (PACU) opposed it due to absence of democratic consultation. Both said the memo would entail more financial burden to students and their parents.

Earlier, COCOPEA planned to file a temporary restraining order to stop the implementation of the order.

PACU Pres. Duque, a school owner in Region I, criticized the policy reiterating its haste adoption and implementation of the order. “We were not consulted,” he claimed in a TV interview.

Support for CMO

The Philippine Nurses Association (PNA) on the other hand declared its full support to the implementation of CHED Memorandum No. 5.

“The order will improve the quality of nursing education,” Ruth Thelma Tingda, PNA regional president for the Cordillera and Region 1, stated in interview as she iterated the existence of the PNA position in the national level.

PNA National President Dr. Leah Primitiva Samaco-Paquiz said she supports the rationale of the new and enhanced Four-year BSN program as “it aims to produce a fully functioning nurse who is able to perform the competencies under each of the Key Areas of responsibility as enumerated by the new CHED Memo.”

Paquiz claimed that the key areas enumerated under the CMO which would improve nursing education are the following: safe and quality nursing care, management of resources, and environment, health education, legal responsibility, ethico-moral responsibilities, personal and professional development, quality improvement, research, records management, communication, and collaboration and teamwork.

Paquiz is a member of the CHED Technical Committee on Nursing Education (TCNE) and that PNA has been a part of the discussion on the policies and standards of this new four-year BSN program.

In her statement, Paquiz stated that the additional 357 hours for related learning experience (RLE) equivalent to seven units are spread through the four year curriculum from levels 1 to 4.

Meanwhile, Migrante–Cordillera added their voice in pointing out the weakness of the CHED Memorandum No. 5. While it alleged to improve quality nursing education, the graduates are directed towards foreign countries, said Flora Belinan in an earlier interview. It failed to address the “brain drain” issue, she pointed out.

Allegedly, some basic subjects for BSN are to be joined with other subjects as one such as history and political science. An instructor in this city claimed that the subjects political science, particularly focused on the constitution, and history develop the patriotism and the obedience to law of our citizens.

The same mentor said that combining these subjects would lessen the time for students to develop their patriotism and law abiding citizens.

The CHED-CAR data showed that BSN is the most enrolled and graduate discipline in the region. # Arthur L. Allad-iw(Nordis)

How_to_train_ death_squads_ and_quash_ revolutions_ from_San_ Salvador_ to_you

June 28, 2008

> How to covertly train paramilitaries, censor the press, ban unions,
> employ terrorists, conduct warrantless searches, suspend habeas
> corpus, conceal breaches of the Geneva Convention and make the
> population love it
>
> JULIAN ASSANGE (investigative editor)
> Monday June 15, 2008
>
> Wikileaks has released a sensitive 219 page US military
> counterinsurgency manual. The manual, Foreign Internal Defense
> Tactics Techniques and Procedures for Special Forces (1994, 2004),
> may be critically described as “what we learned about running death
> squads and propping up corrupt government in Latin America and how to
> apply it to other places”. Its contents are both history defining for
> Latin America and, given the continued role of US Special F orces in
> the suppression of insurgencies, including in Iraq and Afghanistan,
> history making.
>
> The leaked manual, which has been verified with military sources, is
> the official US Special Forces doctrine for Foreign Internal Defense
> or FID.
>
> FID operations are designed to prop up a “friendly” government facing
> a popular revolution or guerilla insurgency. FID interventions are
> often covert or quasi-covert due to the unpopular nature of the
> governments being supported (”In formulating a realistic policy for
> the use of advisors, the commander must carefully gauge the
> psychological climate of the HN [Host Nation] and the United States.”)
>
> The manual directly advocates training paramilitaries, pervasive
> surveillance, censorship, press control and restrictions on labor
> unions & political parties. It directly advocates warrantless
> searches, detainment without charge and (under varying circumstances)
> the suspension of habeas corpus. It directly advocates employing
> terrorists or prosecuting individuals for terrorism who are not
> terrorists, running false flag operations and concealing human rights
> abuses from journalists. And it repeatedly advocates the use of
> subterfuge and “psychological operations” (propaganda) to make these
> and other “population & resource control” measures more palatable.
>
> The content has been particularly informed by the long United States
> involvement in El Salvador.
>
> In 2005 a number of credible media reports suggested the Pentagon was
> intensely debating “the Salvador option” for Iraq.[1]. According to
> the New York Times Magazine:
>
> The template for Iraq today is not Vietnam, with which it has often
> been compared, but El Salvador, where a right-wing government backed
> by the United States fought a leftist insurgency in a 12-year war
> beginning in 1980. The cost was high ― more than 70,000 people were
> killed, most of them civilians, in a country with a population of
> just six million. Most of the killing and torturing was done by the
> army and the right-wing death squads affiliated with it. According to
> an Amnesty International report in 2001, violations committed by the
> army and associated groups included ”extrajudicial executions,
> other unlawful killings, ‘disappearances’ and torture. . . . Whole
> villages were targeted by the armed forces and their inhabitants
> massacred.” As part of President Reagan’s policy of supporting
> anti-Communist forces, hundreds of millions of dollars in United
> States aid was funneled to the Salvadoran Army, and a team of 55
> Special Forces advisers, led for se veral years by Jim Steele, trained
> front-line battalions that were accused of significant human rights
> abuses.
>
>
> The same article states James Steele and many other former Central
> American Special Forces “military advisors” have now been appointed
> at a high level to Iraq.
>
> In 1993 a United Nations truth commission on El Salvador, which
> examined 22,000 atrocities that occurred during the twelve-year civil
> war, attributed 85 percent of the abuses to the US-backed El Salvador
> military and its paramilitary death squads.
>
> It is worth noting what the US Ambassador to El Salvador, Robert E.
> White (now the president for the Center for International Policy) had
> to say as early as 1980, in State Department documents obtained under
> the Freedom of Information Act:
>
> The major, immediate threat to the existence of this government is
> the right-wing violence. In the city of San Salvador, the hired thugs
> of the extreme right, some of them well-trained Cuban and Nicaraguan
> terrorists, kill moderate left leaders and blow up government
> buildings. In the countryside, elements of the security forces
> torture and kill the campesinos, shoot up their houses and burn their
> crops. At least two hundred refugees from the countryside arrive
> daily in the capital city. This campaign of terror is radicalizing
> the rural areas just as surely as Somoza’s National Guard did in
> Nicaragua. Unfortunately, the command structure of the army and the
> security forces either tolerates or encourages this activity. These
> senior officers believe or pretend to believe that they are
> eliminating the guerillas.[2]
>
>
> Selected extracts follow. Note that the manual is 219 pages long and
> contains substan tial material throughout. These extracts should
> merely be considered representative. Emphasis has been added for
> further selectivity. The full manual can be found at US Special
> Forces counter-insurgency manual FM 31-20-3.
>
>
>
>
>
>
> DISTRIBUTION RESTRICTION: Distribution authorized to U.S. Government
> agencies and their contractors only to protect technical or
> operational information from automatic dissemination under the
> International Exchange Program or by other means. This determination
> was made on 5 December 2003. Other requests for this document must be
> referred to Commander, United States Army John F. Kennedy Special
> Warfare Center and School, ATTN: AOJK-DTD-SFD, Fort Bragg, North
> Carolina 28310-5000.
>
> Destruction Notice: Destroy by any method that must prevent
> disclosure of contents or reconstruction of th e document.
>
> [...]
>
> Counterintelligence
>
> [...]
>
> Most of the counterintelligence measures used will be overt in nature
> and aimed at protecting installations, units, and information and
> detecting espionage, sabotage, and subversion. Examples of
> counterintelligence measures to use are
>
> Background investigations and records checks of persons in sensitive
> positions and persons whose loyalty may be questionable.
> Maintenance of files on organizations, locations, and individuals of
> counterintelligence interest.
> Internal security inspections of installations and units.
> Control of civilian movement within government-controll ed areas.
> Identification systems to minimize the chance of insurgents gaining
> access to installations or moving freely.
> Unannounced searches and raids on suspected meeting places.
> Censo rship.
> [...]
>
> PSYOP [Psychological Operations] are essential to the success of PRC
> [Population & Resources Control]. For maximum effectiveness, a strong
> psychological operations effort is directed toward the families of
> the insurgents and their popular support base. The PSYOP aspect of
> the PRC program tries to make the imposition of control more
> palatable to the people by relating the necessity of controls to
> their safety and well-being. PSYOP efforts also try to create a
> favorable national or local government image and counter the effects
> of the insurgent propaganda effort.
>
> Control Measures
>
> SF [US Special Forces] can advise and assist HN [Host Nation] forces
> in developing and implementing control measures. Among these measures
> are the following:
>
> Security Forces. Police and other security forces use PRC [Popu lation
> & Resources Control] measures to deprive the insurgent of support and
> to identify and locate members of his infrastructure. Appropriate
> PSYOP [Psychological Operations] help make these measures more
> acceptable to the population by explaining their need. The government
> informs the population that the PRC measures may cause an
> inconvenience but are necessary due to the actions of the insurgents.
> Restrictions. Rights on the legality of detention or imprisonment of
> personnel (for example, habeas corpus) may be temporarily suspended.
> This measure must be taken as a last resort, since it may provide the
> insurgents with an effective propaganda theme. PRC [Population &
> Resources Control] measures can also include curfews or blackouts,
> travel restrictions, and restricted residential areas such as
> protected villages or resettlement areas. Registration and pass
> systems and control of sensitive items (resources control) and
> critical supplies such as weapons, food, and fuel are other PRC
> measures. Checkpoints, searches, roadblocks; surveillance,
> censorship, and press control; and restriction of activity that
> applies to selected groups (labor unions, political groups and the
> like) are further PRC measures.
> [...]
>
> Legal Considerations. All restrictions, controls, and DA measures
> must be governed by the legality of these methods and their impact on
> the populace. In countries where government authorities do not have
> wide latitude in controlling the population, special or emergency
> legislation must be enacted. This emergency legislation may include a
> form of martial law permitting government forces to search without
> warrant, to detain without bringing formal charges, and to execute
> other similar actions.
>
> [...]
>
> Psychological Operations
>
> PSYOP can support the mission by discrediting the insurgent forces to
> neutral groups, creating dissension among the insurgents themselves,
> and supporting defector programs. Divisive programs create
> dissension, disorganization, low morale, subversion, and defection
> within the insurgent forces. Also important are national programs to
> win insurgents over to the government side with offers of amnesty and
> rewards. Motives for surrendering can range from personal rivalries
> and bitterness to disillusionment and discouragement. Pressure from
> the security forces has persuasive power.
>
> [...]
>
> Intelligence personnel must consider the parameters within which a
> revolutionary movement operates. Frequently, they establish a
> centralized intelligence processing center to collect an d coordinate
> the amount of information required to make long-range intelligence
> estimates. Long-range intelligence focuses on the stable factors
> existing in an insurgency. For example, various demographic factors
> (ethnic, racial, social, economic, religious, and political
> characteristics of the area in which the underground movement takes
> places) are useful in identifying the members of the underground.
> Information about the underground organization at national, district,
> and local level is basic in FID [Foreign Internal Defense] and/or
> IDAD operations. Collection of specific short-range intelligence
> about the rapidly changing variables of a local situation is
> critical. Intelligence personnel must gather information on members
> of the underground, their movements, and their methods. Biographies
> and photos of suspected underground members, detailed information o n
> their homes, families, education, work history, and associates are
> important features of short-range intelligence.
>
> Destroying its tactical units is not enough to defeat the enemy. The
> insurgent’s underground cells or infrastructure must be neutralized
> first because the infrastructure is his main source of tactical
> intelligence and political control. Eliminating the infrastructure
> within an area achieves two goals: it ensures the government’s
> control of the area, and it cuts off the enemy’s main source of
> intelligence. An intelligence and operations command center (IOCC) is
> needed at district or province level. This organization becomes the
> nerve center for operations against the insurgent infrastructure.
> Information on insurgent infrastructure targets should come from such
> sources as the national police and other established intelligence
> net s and agents and individuals (informants) .
>
> The highly specialized and sensitive nature of clandestine
> intelligence collection demands specially selected and highly trained
> agents. Information from clandestine sources is often highly
> sensitive and requires tight control to protect the source. However,
> tactical information upon which a combat response can be taken should
> be passed to the appropriate tactical level.
>
> The spotting, assessment, and recruitment of an agent is not a
> haphazard process regardless of the type agent being sought. During
> the assessment phase, the case officer determines the individual’s
> degree of intelligence, access to target, available or necessary
> cover, and motivation. He initiates the recruitment and coding action
> only after he determines the individual has the necessary attributes
> to fulfill the needs.
>
> ; All agents are closely observed and those that are not reliable are
> relieved. A few well-targeted, reliable agents are better and more
> economical than a large number of poor ones.
>
> A system is needed to evaluate the agents and the information they
> submit. The maintenance of an agent master dossier (possibly at the
> SFOD B level) can be useful in evaluating the agent on the value and
> quality of information he has submitted. The dossier must contain a
> copy of the agent’s source data report and every intelligence report
> he submitted.
>
> Security forces can induce individuals among the general populace to
> become informants. Security forces use various motives (civic-
> mindedness, patriotism, fear, punishment avoidance, gratitude,
> revenge or jealousy, financial rewards) as persuasive arguments. They
> use the assurance of protection from reprisal as a maj or inducement.
> Security forces must maintain the informant’s anonymity and must
> conceal the transfer of information from the source to the security
> agent. The security agent and the informant may prearrange signals to
> coincide with everyday behavior.
>
> Surveillance, the covert observation of persons and places, is a
> principal method of gaining and confirming intelligence information.
> Surveillance techniques naturally vary with the requirements of
> different situations. The basic procedures include mechanical
> observation (wiretaps or concealed microphones) , observation from
> fixed locations, and physical surveillance of subjects.
>
> Whenever a suspect is apprehended during an operation, a hasty
> interrogation takes place to gain immediate information that could be
> of tactical value. The most frequently used methods for gathering
> information (ma p studies and aerial observation) , however, are
> normally unsuccessful. Most PWs cannot read a map. When they are
> taken on a visual reconnaissance flight, it is usually their first
> flight and they cannot associate an aerial view with what they saw on
> the ground.
>
> The most successful interrogation method consists of a map study
> based on terrain information received from the detainee. The
> interrogator first asks the detainee what the sun’s direction was
> when he left the base camp. From this information, he can determine a
> general direction. The interrogator then asks the detainee how long
> it took him to walk to the point where he was captured. Judging the
> terrain and the detainee’s health, the interrogator can determine a
> general radius in which the base camp can be found (he can use an
> overlay for this purpose). He then asks the detainee to identify
& gt; significant terrain features he saw on each day of his journey,
> (rivers, open areas, hills, rice paddies, swamps). As the detainee
> speaks and his memory is jogged, the interrogator finds these terrain
> features on a current map and gradually plots the detainee’s route to
> finally locate the base camp.
>
> If the interrogator is unable to speak the detainee’s language, he
> interrogates through an interpreter who received a briefing
> beforehand. A recorder may also assist him. If the interrogator is
> not familiar with the area, personnel who are familiar with the area
> brief him before the interrogation and then join the interrogation
> team. The recorder allows the interrogator a more free-flowing
> interrogation. The recorder also lets a knowledgeable interpreter
> elaborate on points the detainee has mentioned without the
> interrogator interrupting the continuity established during a given
> sequence. The interpreter can also question certain inaccuracies,
> keeping pressure on the subject. The interpreter and the interrogator
> have to be well trained to work as a team. The interpreter has to be
> familiar with the interrogation procedures. His preinterrogation
> briefings must include information on the detainee’s health, the
> circumstances resulting in his detention, and the specific
> information required. A successful interrogation is contingent upon
> continuity and a welltrained interpreter. A tape recorder (or a
> recorder taking notes) enhances continuity by freeing the
> interrogator from time-consuming administrative tasks.
>
> [...]
>
> Political Structures. A tightly disciplined party organization,
> formally structured to parallel the existing government hierarchy,
> may be found at the center of some insurgent movements. In most
> instances, this organizational structure will consist of committed
> organizations at the village, district province, and national levels.
> Within major divisions and sections of an insurgent military
> headquarters, totally distinct but parallel command channels exist.
> There are military chains of command and political channels of
> control. The party ensures complete domination over the military
> structure using its own parallel organization. It dominates through a
> political division in an insurgent military headquarters, a party
> cell or group in an insurgent military unit, or a political military
> officer.
>
> [...]
>
> Special Intelligence- Gathering Operations
>
> Alternative intelligence- gathering techniques and sources, such as
> doppelganger or pseudo operations, can be tried and used when it is
> hard to obtain info rmation from the civilian populace. These pseudo
> units are usually made up of ex-guerrilla and/or security force
> personnel posing as insurgents. They circulate among the civilian
> populace and, in some cases, infiltrate guerrilla units to gather
> information on guerrilla movements and its support infrastructure.
>
> Much time and effort must be used to persuade insurgents to switch
> allegiance and serve with the security forces. Prospective candidates
> must be properly screened and then given a choice of serving with the
> HN [Host Nation] security forces or facing prosecution under HN law
> for terrorist crimes.
>
> Government security force units and teams of varying size have been
> used in infiltration operations against underground and guerrilla
> forces. They have been especially effective in getting information on
> underground security and communications sys tems, the nature and
> extent of civilian support and underground liaison, underground
> supply methods, and possible collusion between local government
> officials and the underground. Before such a unit can be properly
> trained and disguised, however, much information about the
> appearance, mannerisms, and security procedures of enemy units must
> be gathered. Most of this information comes from defectors or
> reindoctrinated prisoners. Defectors also make excellent instructors
> and guides for an infiltrating unit. In using a disguised team, the
> selected men should be trained, oriented, and disguised to look and
> act like authentic underground or guerrilla units. In addition to
> acquiring valuable information, the infiltrating units can demoralize
> the insurgents to the extent that they become overly suspicious and
> distrustful of their own units.
>
> [...]
& gt;
> After establishing the cordon and designating a holding area, the
> screening point or center is established. All civilians in the
> cordoned area will then pass through the screening center to be
> classified.
>
> National police personnel will complete, if census data does not
> exist in the police files, a basic registration card and photograph
> all personnel over the age of 15. They print two copies of each
> photo- one is pasted to the registration card and the other to the
> village book (for possible use in later operations and to identify
> ralliers and informants).
>
> The screening element leader ensures the screeners question
> relatives, friends, neighbors, and other knowledgeable individuals of
> guerrilla leaders or functionaries operating in the area on their
> whereabouts, activities, movements, and expected return.
>
> The screeni ng area must include areas where police and military
> intelligence personnel can privately interview selected individuals.
> The interrogators try to convince the interviewees that their
> cooperation will not be detected by the other inhabitants. They also
> discuss, during the interview, the availability of monetary rewards
> for certain types of information and equipment.
>
> [...]
>
> Civilian Self-Defense Forces [Paramilitaries, or, especially in an El-
> Salvador or Colombian civil war context, right wing "death squads"]
>
> When a village accepts the CSDF program, the insurgents cannot choose
> to ignore it. To let the village go unpunished will encourage other
> villages to accept the government’s CSDF program. The insurgents have
> no choice; they have to attack the CSDF village to provide a lesson
> to other villages considering CSDF. In a sense, the psycho logical
> effectiveness of the CSDF concept starts by reversing the insurgent
> strategy of making the government the repressor. It forces the
> insurgents to cross a critical threshold-that of attacking and
> killing the very class of people they are supposed to be liberating.
>
> To be successful, the CSDF program must have popular support from
> those directly involved or affected by it. The average peasant is not
> normally willing to fight to his death for his national government.
> His national government may have been a succession of corrupt
> dictators and inefficient bureaucrats. These governments are not the
> types of institutions that inspire fight-to-the- death emotions in the
> peasant. The village or town, however, is a different matter. The
> average peasant will fight much harder for his home and for his
> village than he ever would for his national government. Th e CSDF
> concept directly involves the peasant in the war and makes it a fight
> for the family and village instead of a fight for some faraway
> irrelevant government.
>
> [...]
>
> Members of the CSDF receive no pay for their civil duties. In most
> instances, however, they derive certain benefits from voluntary
> service. These benefits can range from priority of hire for CMO
> projects to a place at the head of ration lines. In El Salvador, CSDF
> personnel (they were called civil defense there) were given a U.S.-
> funded life insurance policy with the wife or next of kin as the
> beneficiary. If a CSDF member died in the line of duty, the widow or
> next of kin was ceremoniously paid by an HN official. The HN
> administered the program and a U.S. advisor who maintained
> accountability of the funds verified the payment. The HN [Host
> Nation] exercises a dministrative and visible control.
>
> Responsiveness and speedy payment are essential in this process since
> the widow normally does not have a means of support and the
> psychological effect of the government assisting her in her time of
> grief impacts on the entire community. These and other benefits
> offered by or through the HN government are valuable incentives for
> recruiting and sustaining the CSDF.
>
> [...]
>
> The local CSDF members select their leaders and deputy leaders (CSDF
> groups and teams) in elections organized by the local authorities. In
> some cases, the HN [Host Nation] appoints a leader who is a specially
> selected member of the HN security forces trained to carry out this
> task. Such appointments occurred in El Salvador where the armed
> forces have established a formal school to train CSDF commanders.
> Extreme care and close su pervision are required to avoid abuses by
> CSDF leaders.
>
> [...]
>
> The organization of a CSDF can be similar to that of a combat group.
> This organization is effective in both rural and urban settings. For
> example, a basic group, having a strength of 107 members, is broken
> down into three 35-man elements plus a headquarters element of 2
> personnel. Each 35-man element is further broken down into three 1 l-
> man teams and a headquarters element of 2 personnel. Each team
> consists of a team leader, an assistant team leader, and three 3-man
> cells. This organization can be modified to accommodate the number of
> citizens available to serve.
>
> [...]
>
> Weapons training for the CSDF personnel is critical. Skill at arms
> decides the outcome of battle and must be stressed. Of equal
> importance is the maintenance and care of weapons. CSD F members are
> taught basic rifle marksmanship with special emphasis on firing from
> fixed positions and during conditions of limited visibility. Also
> included in the marksmanship training program are target detection
> and fire discipline.
>
> Training ammunition is usually allocated to the CSDF on the basis of
> a specified number of rounds for each authorized weapon. A supporting
> HN government force or an established CSDF logistic source provides
> the ammunition to support refresher training.
>
> [...]
>
> Acts of misconduct by HN [Host Nation] personnel
>
> All members of training assistance teams must understand their
> responsibilities concerning acts of misconduct by HN personnel. Team
> members receive briefings before deployment on what to do if they
> encounter or observe such acts. Common Article 3 of the four Geneva
> Conventions lists prohibited acts by parties to the convention. Such
> acts are-
>
> Violence to life and person, in particular, murder, mutilation, cruel
> treatment, and torture.
> Taking of hostages.
> Outrages against personal dignity, in particular, humiliating and
> degrading treatment.
> Passing out sentences and carrying out executions without previous
> judgment by a regularly constituted court that affords all the
> official guarantees that are recog-nized as indispensable by
> civilized people.
> The provisions in the above paragraph represent a level of conduct
> that the United States expects each foreign country to observe.
> If team members encounter prohibited acts they can not stop, they
> will disengage from the activity, leave the area if possible, and
> report the incidents immediately to the proper in-country U.S.
> authorities. The country team will ide ntify proper U.S. authorities
> during the team’s initial briefing. Team members will not discuss
> such matters with non-U.S. Government authorities such as journalists
> and civilian contractors.
>
> [...]
>
> Most insurgents’ doctrinal and training documents stress the use of
> pressure-type mines in the more isolated or less populated areas.
> They prefer using commandtype mines in densely populated areas. These
> documents stress that when using noncommand-detonate d mines, the
> insurgents use every means to inform the local populace on their
> location, commensurate with security regulations. In reality, most
> insurgent groups suffer from various degrees of deficiency in their
> C2 [Command & Control] systems. Their C2 does not permit them to
> verify that those elements at the operational level strictly follow
> directives and orders. In the case of the F rente Farabundo Marti de
> la Liberation Nacional (FMLN) in El Salvador, the individual that
> emplaces the mine is responsible for its recovery after the
> engagement. There are problems with this concept. The individual may
> be killed or the security forces may gain control of the area.
> Therefore, the recovery of the mine is next to impossible.
>
> [...]
>
> Homemade antipersonnel mines are used extensively in El Salvador,
> Guatemala and Malaysia. (Eighty percent of all El Salvadoran armed
> forces casualties in 1986 were due to mines; in 1987, soldiers
> wounded by mines and booby traps averaged 50 to 60 per month.) The
> important point to remember is that any homemade mine is the product
> of the resources available to the insurgent group. Therefore, no two
> antipersonnel mines may be the same in their configuration and
> materials. Insurgent groups depend to a great extent on materials
> discarded or lost by security forces personnel. The insurgents not
> only use weapons, ammunition, mines, grenades, and demolitions for
> their original purpose but also in preparing expedient mines and
> booby traps.
>
> [...]
>
> A series of successful minings carried out by the Viet Cong
> insurgents on the Cua Viet River, Quang Tri Province, demonstrated
> their resourcefulness in countering minesweeping tactics. Initially,
> chain-dragging sweeps took place morning and evening. After several
> successful mining attacks, it was apparent that they laid the mines
> after the minesweepers passed. Then, the boats using the river formed
> into convoys and transited the river with minesweepers 914 meters
> ahead oft he convoy. Nevertheless, boats of the convoy were
> successfully mined in mid-channel, indicating that the mines were
> again laid after the minesweeper had passed, possibly by using
> sampans. Several sampans were observed crossing or otherwise using
> the channel between the minesweepers and the convoy. The convoys were
> then organized so that the minesweepers worked immediately ahead of
> the convoy. One convoy successfully passed. The next convoy had its
> minesweepers mined and ambushed close to the river banks.
>
> [...]
>
> Military Advisors
>
> [...]
>
> Psychologically pressuring the HN [Host Nation] counterpart may
> sometimes be successful. Forms of psychological pressure may range
> from the obvious to the subtle. The advisor never applies direct
> threats, pressure, or intimidation on his counterpart Indirect
> psychological pressure may be applied by taking an issue up the chain
> of command to a higher U.S. commander. The U.S. commander can then
&g t; bring his counterpart to force the subordinate counterpart to comply.
> Psychological pressure may obtain quick results but may have very
> negative side effects. The counterpart will feel alienated and
> possibly hostile if the advisor uses such techniques. Offers of
> payment in the form of valuables may cause him to become resentful of
> the obvious control being exerted over him. In short, psychologically
> pressuring a counterpart is not recommended. Such pressure is used
> only as a last resort since it may irreparably damage the
> relationship between the advisor and his counterpart
>
> PSYOP [Psychological Operations] Support for Military Advisors
>
> The introduction of military advisors requires preparing the populace
> with which the advisors are going to work. Before advisors enter a
> country, the HN [Host Nation] government carefully explains their
> introd uction and clearly emphasizes the benefits of their presence to
> the citizens. It must provide a credible justification to minimize
> the obvious propaganda benefits the insurgents could derive from this
> action. The country’s dissenting elements label our actions, no
> matter how well-intended, an “imperialistic intervention. “
>
> Once advisors are committed, their activities should be exploited.
> Their successful integration into the HN [Host Nation] society and
> their respect for local customs and mores, as well as their
> involvement with CA [Civil Affairs] projects, are constantly brought
> to light. In formulating a realistic policy for the use of advisors,
> the commander must carefully gauge the psychological climate of the
> HN [Host Nation] and the United States.
>
> [...]
>
> PRC [Population & Resources Control] Operations.
>
> Advisors assist their counterparts in developing proper control plans
> and training programs for PRC measures. They also help coordinate
> plans and requests for materiel and submit recommendations to improve
> the overall effectiveness of operations. They can be helpful in
> preparing to initiate control.
>
> Select, organize, and train paramilitary and irregular forces.
> Develop PSYOP [Psychological Operations] activities to support PRC
> operations.
> Coordinate activities through an area coordination center (if
> established) .
> Establish and refine PRC operations.
> Intensify intelligence activities.
> Establish and refine coordination and communications with other
> agencies.
> References
>
> ↑ Newsweek.Special Forces May Train Assassins, Kidnappers in Iraq by
> Michael Hirsh & John Barry, Jan. 14, 2005, http://www.msnbc. msn.com/
> id/6802629/site /newsweek/print/ 1/displaymode/ 1098/
> ↑ US State Department, FOIA record, http://foia. state.gov/ documents/
> elsalvad/738d. PDF
>
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>
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> (773) 276-4189
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> http://www.vvaw. org
>
> Fighting for veterans, peace and justice since 1967

http://wikileaks. org/wiki/

Mining threatens Ilocos forests

June 28, 2008

LAOAG CITY, Ilocos Norte — Ilocos Norte’s
last intact rain forests in Adams town are facing imminent danger with
prospects of mining feldspar, copper, tektite and pyrite by the same
company that left open pit sites in Benguet.

Benguet
Corporation (BC) is reportedly eying at Adams, an upland town in the
northernmost Cordillera, and some 21,000 hectares more in the famous
Pagudpud, upland Dumalneg, Carasi and Vintar, where pristine rain
forests are still found.

BC,
regarded the country’s oldest mining company, which started in 1903,
mines and processes gold, chromite, copper, and other minerals. It
operated and abandoned open pit mines and underground tunnels in
Itogon, Benguet.

Veronica Tina Tan, a trained and deputized
Wildlife Enforcement Officer (WEO) by the Department of Environment and
Natural Resources (DENR) Protected Areas and Wildlife Coastal Zone
sounded the alarm.

Tan is also head of biodiversity and
eco-tourism in the technical working group that helped draft the Ilocos
Norte Environmental Code of 2007.

“Having trekked to the
summits of Mt. Palemlem and Mt. Pao, the Linao Pond, 952 meters above
sea level, we can attest to the captivating and mysterious natural
beauty of Adams as important discoveries,” Tan said.

Biodiversity at stake

Tan
noted that Adams is a sanctuary to wild pigs and ducks, eleven
waterfalls, and the Sinidangan and Bolo Rivers and their tributaries.

A
portion of the Northern Ilocos Norte Forest Reserve, Adams is a
treasure trove with its old growth forests of narra, yakal, molave,
balakat, pahutan, almaciga, tanguile, guijo, apitong, white lauan, red
lauan, mayapis and palosapis, according to Tan.

It is also
home to vulnerable species like rufous hornbill or kalaw, Philippine
hawk or sawi, Philippine scops owl, brahminy kite, and other species
such as green imperial pigeons, woodpeckers, civet cats, wild pigs,
monkeys and some unidentified python and lizard species.

Also
found in Adams rain forests are some rare plants like the ventricosa
plant, giant ferns, mushrooms and truffles the size of large frying
pans and some orchid species.

The town also grows rambutan, lanzones, pineapple, strawberry, cabbage, coffee and many varieties of rice including brown rice.

Feldspatic clay, copper ore, tektite and pyrite have been spotted present in Adams by the DENR Reg. I office.

Notwithstanding
its rich biodiversity, Tan said, Adams boasts of abundant clean and
fresh water sources. At any given time, a fresh catch of crawfish, eel
and fish from the mountain streams is possible.

“Mining
operations will definitely destroy all these,” Tan told the media
covering the provincial board meeting in Laoag City Tuesday, where BC
failed to present its proposals.

Ilocanos to fight it out

But
Ilocanos in this northern tip may not be taking this sitting down,
especially among environmentalists in the province led by the Laoag
Eco–Adventure (Lead) Movement, a non-government organization (NGO)
promoting responsible adventure tourism and had been exploring
potential eco-tourism areas in the province.

Lead Movement
has been recognized as one of the partners of Adams town government in
establishing eco-tourism systems and programs.

“We fear they
might railroad this project,” Tan said, as a supposed Tuesday afternoon
project presentation by the BC to the Ilocos Norte provincial
government at the provincial capitol here was re-scheduled next week
“to give more time for the firm to prepare.”

Tan appeared
suspicious the company might have sensed, the presence of
environmentalists wanting to participate in the discussion.

Adams
is covered by the Indigenous People’s Rights Act (IPRA), which
recognizes the rights of indigenous communities to their lands,
culture, knowledge, customs and traditions.

It is also part
of the Proposed Northern Ilocos Norte Natural Park and the newly
proclaimed Kalbario-Patapat Natural Park (covered by the National
Integrated Protected Areas System (NIPAS), or NIPAS Law of 1992 (R.A. 7586).

No FPIC, no consultation with residents

BC
did not conduct a direct consultation with the community before or
after it has applied for an exploration permit in Bulawan in sitio
Bokarot, Adams, according to Tan.

Bokarot is part of the ancestral lands of the indigenous peoples, thus, IPRA’s process of free prior and informed consent (FPIC) might have been violated, Tan feared.

Hearing
the ill-effects of unregulated mining exploration and extraction,
dumping of waste products, squatting or occupying environmentally
critical habitats, illegal quarrying, abandonment and failure to
reclaim excavated lands for recovery, unabated cutting of trees and
slash and burn farming—all these and more contribute to the bigger
picture, the environmentalist group leader said.

She cited
classic environmental catastrophes such as Infanta in Quezon, Ormoc in
Samar, and Aurora are still fresh memories which Ilocanos are afraid of
now.

No permit yet

Ilocos Norte
Provincial Environment Officer Juan delos Reyes however maintained that
BC should apply for special land use permit for mining exploration,
hinting the firm has not been given any permit yet.

But even
given government permits, said Ronaldo Tan, another Lead Movement
member, it alarms us that “wastes from the operations would eventually
pour into other areas” like Pagudpud, home of famous fine white beaches
likened to Boracay in Aklan.

“We oppose even prospecting or
exploration alone,” Tan said, “for whatever goals and future gains in
the interest of industry and commerce.” She insisted that the
environmental impact of man-made degradation of the forests is one big
scary picture. “Too many lives are intertwined that are unraveled
suddenly that they cannot recover even perhaps in a century.”

Lead Movement members vowed to help preserve the last intact forests of Ilocos Norte and the biodiversity they support.

“The
more man exploits nature, the more options are reduced until such time
that there is only one: to fight for survival,” Tan said, adding, “a
small patch of green is a more precious investment than a pot of gold.”
# Ace Alegre(NorDis)

Editorial Cartoon: SOS

June 27, 2008

:)

Editorial Cartoon: The Hole

June 27, 2008

Yuckie!

“An enabling law long denied to the people”

June 27, 2008

Bayan Muna files landmark bill for release on recognizance

Just before 14th Congress went into its first sine die adjournment, Bayan Muna Rep. Teddy Casiño and 20 other legislators filed a landmark bill “to correct one of the long-standing gray areas in the country’s criminal justice system – an enabling law on the Constitutional right to be released on recognizance. “

Article III, Section 13 of the Constitution allows two modes by which a person under arrest may be released temporarily from detention before conviction of the offense charged: (1) by bail, and (2) by release on recognizance as may be provided by law.

“After more than two decades, we realized that there is still no enabling law on release on recognizance. House Bill 4369 or the proposed Recognizance Act of 2008 will extend the frontiers of the criminal justice system in the spirit of restorative justice,” Casiño, the bill’s principal author, said.

Explained Casiño: “It is easy for rich litigants to post bail and be free while the trial goes on. But most poor litigants simply can’t afford to post bail, much more hire competent lawyers. For them, release on recognizance is the only option to ensure that their rights as accused are respected even as they are being tried by the courts.”

Under the present state of the law, release on recognizance is implemented in a very limited scope under the Rules of Criminal Procedure and is based solely on the discretion of the court. In contrast, House Bill 4369 will promulgate the rules for the full implementation of release on recognizance, including its procedures, mechanisms and support programs down to the barangay level.

Under HB 4369, applicants for recognizance need the recommendation of two persons of good repute and probity in the baranggay where they reside and who shall guarantee their appearance in court. Such application should be endorsed by a recognizance field officer before it is approved by the appropriate regional trial court. Applications for recognizance can be contested by the prosecution.

The two recommending persons and the recognizance field office, as well as baranggay officials and community organizations, shall have roles in monitoring the applicant, ensuring his attendance in court and that he/she does not engage in any illegal activities.

The bill sets strict qualification and disqualification requirements for those who can apply for release on recognizance in Sections 4 and 5.

“The Constitutional right to recognizance is limited to Filipino citizen who have resided in the country for at least 6 months prior to the filing of his/her application; the alleged offenses committed by applicants are not punishable by death, reclusion perpetua, or life imprisonment; he/she has no sufficient means to post bail; and more than five years have elapsed since his last conviction or release from imprisonment after conviction for an offense, if any, and that he has shown good behavior during the said period,” Casiño said.

An applicant is disqualified for release on recognizance if he/she is: a danger to the community; the circumstances of his/her case indicate the probability of flight if released on recognizance; he/she is a recidivist, quasi-recidivist, or habitual delinquent, or has been previously convicted of a crime aggravated by the circumstance of reiteration; he/she has previously escaped from legal confinement, evaded sentence, or violated the conditions of his/her previous bail or release on recognizance, if any, without valid justification; he/she has previously committed a crime while under probation, parole, or conditional pardon; or that there is undue risk that he/she may commit another crime if released on recognizance.

“This measure will promote the principle of restorative justice especially among poor litigants. Bayan Muna and the bill’s co-authors hope that this would give the members of a community a bigger and more proactive role in reforming suspected offenders and upholding a fair system of justice,” Casiño said.

“This proposed law is also one way to address other problems confronting the criminal justice system such as protracted trials, the prolonged resolution of cases, the lack of legal representation, lack of judges, congestion in jails, and lack of opportunity to reform and rehabilitate the offenders,” Casiño said.

As of end 2007, the BJMP says that at least 11,563 inmates are qualified to post bail but cannot do so in the National Capital Region alone. Release on recognizance could be a valid option to them and thousands more. We hope that this will become a priority legislation of the House. We will also work to get a formidable Senate counterpart, ” he said.

House Bill 4369 has authors with various party affiliations and span a considerable area of the country: Partylist Reps. Casiño and Satur Ocampo [Bayan Muna], Rafael Mariano [Anakpawis], Liza Maza and Luzviminda Ilagan [Gabriela], and District Reps. Antonio Cerilles [Zamboanga del Sur], Roman Romulo [Pasig City], Rufus Rodriguez [Cagayan De Oro City], Teofisto Guingona III [Bukidnon], Fred Castro [Capiz], Jesus Crispin Remulla [3d, Cavite], Eduardo Nonato Joson [Nueva Ecija], Elpidio Barzaga, Jr. [2d, Cavite], Liwayway Vinzons-Chato [Camarines Norte], Luis Villafuerte [Camarines Sur], Ferdinand Martin Romualdez [Leyte], Vincent Crisologo [1d, Quezon City], Marcelino Teodoro [Marikina City], Niel Tupas, Jr. [Iloilo], Carlos Padilla [Nueva Vizcaya], Joseph Emilio A. Abaya [1d, Cavite], Rodolfo Albano III [Isabela], and Maria Laarni Cayetano [Taguig City-Pateros] . #

Kidnapped prof wonders why their guide was not charged

June 27, 2008

ZAMBOANGA CITY—Juamil “Maming” Biyaw, the man accused of delivering broadcast journalist Ces Drilon, her crew and peace advocate professor Octavio Dinampo to their Abu Sayyaf captors, has so far not been charged with kidnapping.

In a phone interview Sunday, Dinampo said he was wondering why Biyaw was not included in the charges the police filed against 17 suspects in the kidnapping, led by Indanan Mayor Alvarez Isnaji and his son Haider.

“He (Biyaw) was the one who made the arrangements, including the time and place, and left us in the hands of our captors,” Dinampo said.

He said Biyaw was closely associated with the military as an “asset.”

“The crime committed here is kidnapping and one missing link, I guess, is at large, and some people would like to take him and I am hoping Biyaw will speak the truth to clear all these issues,” Dinampo said.

He said he learned that Biyaw had been turned over to the police Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG) in Western Mindanao for interrogation.

“I am aware there are some people who are working for his release. I hope he is still with the CIDG,” Dinampo, a Western Mindanao University professor, said.

Dinampo, however, refused to reveal the identities of the “influential people” who were allegedly working for Biyaw’s release.

Biyaw is a kagawad at Barangay Sandah village in Patikul, Sulu. He is known to the community as a former member of the Moro National Liberation Front, and as a military asset instrumental to the surrender of former MNLF combatants to the 3rd Marine Brigade.

But no one could point to Biyaw’s link to Isnaji, who had negotiated for the release of the captives but is now being accused of having a part in the kidnapping.

What was clear to him, Dinampo said, was that Biyaw, Abu Sayyaf leader Radulan Sahiron and Isnaji were all former MNLF members.

“Biyaw is related to Radulan, and most of his relatives are now with the latter, but Biyaw and Isnaji are not related,” he said.

Dinampo earlier said Sahiron’s men were behind their abduction.

Chief Supt. Joel Goltiao, police chief in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, said they had not “established the link between Biyaw and Isnaji in the kidnapping and their relationship.”

“I haven’t read the CIDG report on Biyaw. As far as I know, this guy is still with the CIDG Western Mindanao,” Goltiao added.

Chief Supt. Jose Pante, head of the CIDG in Western Mindanao, confirmed that Biyaw was still in their “protective custody.”

“But he is not saying anything. Ayaw niyang magsalita (He doesn’t want to talk),” Pante said.

Goltiao said Biyaw remained a suspect. “The fact he is still being held for further interrogation means he is one of the suspects.”

Senior Supt. Julasirim Kasim, Sulu police chief, also said Biyaw was still a suspect in the kidnapping.

“Hindi ko bibitiwan ang driver ni Madame Ces, dahil siya lang makakapagsabi sa relation ni Biyaw sa kidnapping (I will not release the driver of Madame Ces because he is the only one who can tell us Biyaw’s role in the kidnapping),” Kasim said, referring to Marama Hashim, the driver hired by Drilon’s group to drive them when they were abducted in Barangay Adjid in Indanan town on June 8.

Hashim said it was Biyaw who led Drilon’s group to the kidnappers in a forested area in Indanan and returned alone four hours later.(PDI)

Pimentel says PNP photo vs Isnaji propaganda, not proof

June 27, 2008

By TJ Burgonio
Philippine Daily Inquirer
First Posted 16:19:00 06/21/2008

 

MANILA, Philippines — Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel Jr. cautioned the police on Saturday against rushing to link Indanan Mayor Alvarez Isnaji to the kidnapping of ABS-CBN reporter Ces Drilon and three others.

Pimentel said that a photo showing Isnaji, his son Haider and Sulu Vice Governor Lady Anne Sahidulla handling the ransom money in the Isnajis’ home on June 12 was not proof that he had a hand in the kidnapping.

”That’s not proof of complicity. When you’re being used as negotiator, you must count the money that is being given to you so the people and the kidnappers may know,” he said at the Sulo Hotel press forum.

The senator from Mindanao said police claims that Isnaji pocketed P3 million of the P5 million ransom were “easier said than done.”

”We are… supposedly governed by the rule of law. We should be cautious in issuing these charges that will only exacerbate the situation in Mindanao. This is not to say that I’m sure Mayor Isnaji has nothing to do with the kidnapping,” he said.

”To claim that, on the basis of the photograph, it’s sure that Mayor Alvarez and his son were involved in the kidnapping, that’s not evidence, but propaganda,” he added.

The Philippine National Police has filed kidnap-for-ransom charges against
the Isnajis, who acted as negotiators, and at least 14 others.

PNP officials said the picture was part of the incriminating evidence against the Isnajis.

Justice Secretary Raul Gonzalez said the picture, along with a video showing Isnaji counting the money and the testimony of PNP Intelligence Group chief Senior Superintendent Winnie Quidato, constituted strong evidence that could pin down the Isnajis on kidnapping charges.

Former Human Rights Commissioner Nasser Marohomsalic, for his part, said the “warrantless arrest” of the Isnajis after their debriefing violated their rights.

”What happened to them was warrantless arrest. But this did not comply with the rules on warrantless arrest,” he said in the same forum.

There are two requirements in warrantless arrest, namely, personal knowledge of the crime by the arresting officer and immediate arrest of the suspect, according to the former commissioner.

”But this did not happen. What happened was they were brought here for debriefing,” he said.

Marohomsalic said he doubted if the police informed the Isnajis of their rights under the Miranda Doctrine, including the right to counsel and to remain silent, because their arrest happened shortly after their debriefing.

”I doubt it very much if these rights were given to the Isnajis during all the while,” he said. “That’s why they should be released.”

NET 25 reporter Arlyn dela Cruz, herself a kidnap victim, said she has not come across any information linking Mayor Isnaji to kidnapping. She said he was the most popular and influential Muslim leader after Nur Misuari, former chair of the Moro National Liberation Front.

”All throughout the peace negotiations, if Misuari wasn’t available, he takes his place. He’s a trusted man in the MNLF,” she said after the forum.

Pimentel also cautioned the police against being used as a political tool to discredit Mayor Isnaji, who is reportedly planning to run for governor in the upcoming elections in Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao in August.

”Isnaji is a candidate for governor in ARMM. And it’s very possible that some intrigue has crept into the whole evaluation of things… he’s now being tagged as a suspect here. It’s one way of eliminating him from active participation in the campaign,” he said.

”I’m apprehensive that politics has crept into this issue. That’s why the PNP should be very careful that they do not emerge as a tool of some powerful elements which may try to derail the candidacy of Isnaji,” he added.(PDI)

Yano: Army won’t flinch even when confronted by child rebels

June 27, 2008

By Vincent Cabreza
Northern Luzon Bureau
First Posted 18:48:00 06/21/2008

 

FORT DEL PILAR, Baguio City, Philippines — Some abductors of an ABS-CBN news team may have turned out to be teenagers or children, but Armed Forces chief of staff, Gen. Alexander Yano, on Saturday said this will not compel soldiers to ease offensives against extremist groups in Sulu.

Government attacks on bases of suspected terrorists and rebels in Sulu and other parts of Mindanao never stopped, but were only highlighted by the kidnapping of ABS-CBN reporter Ces Oreña-Drilon, her two cameramen and a university professor, Yano said.

“If they are terrorists, then definitely we cannot [set them apart from their adult counterparts] when they are in combat. Anybody carrying arms will have to be dealt with accordingly,” he said.

He said the kidnapping did not also mean that the government was facing a resurgence of the Abu Sayyaf Group.

“It was highlighted by media but that doesn’t mean they are getting stronger. One incident [like Drilon's kidnapping] would not make the bandits very strong,” he said.

Yano was guest during the incorporation of Philippine Military Academy Class 2012 into the cadet corps. He was given a commendation here as an outstanding alumnus by Major General Leopoldo Maligalig, PMA superintendent.

Yano did not mention the kidnapping in his speech. But replying to reporters’ questions, he said Drilon’s abduction did not change the AFP’s counter-terrorism offensives in Mindanao.

“All reports say they are [Abu Sayyaf] and there may be collusion with other criminal groups… But they are part of the Abu Sayyaf,” he said.

Yano said he has not ordered a review of procedures when soldiers are confronted by armed teenagers or children.

“[There will be] no adjustments. A firearm carried by a 16-year-old and a 20-year-old would kill soldiers the same way,” he said.

Yano declined to comment on Indanan Mayor Alvarez Isnaji, who was implicated in the abduction after he acted as a negotiator. He said it was a police matter.

Yano said his chief concern was how the Drilon abduction impacted on Mindanao.

“We should not generalize [the situation in] Mindanao; it is a large island. There are isolated cases… by and large the Mindanao situation is [peaceful],” he said.

He said the abduction was also instructional on how future media coverage should be undertaken in conflict-affected regions of the country.

The military does not want to issue regulations for fear it would be mistaken for media curtailment, but Yano urged reporters to accept military advisories when they enter conflict areas.(PDI)

============================

My Take:

Delikado ito.  Di pa nga proven kung bandit group nga na may child warrior ang tumira kina Ces o mga propesyunal na mersenaryong may aral sa militari (dahil sa galing ng execution nila ng kanilang negosasyon), heto’t nagyayabang na ang AFP at nangongondisyon sa utak natin para kung may ipresenta silang patay na bata o nahuling bata sa mga susunod na araw e maniniwala na tayong bandit member nga ang batang yaon.

Ah. Same old, scape-goat hunting.  Tas ngayon, pati bata papatayin nila para lang may maiturong bandidong nakasagupa nila.

Nakakatakot na ang AFP ngayon.

CEGP National Week of Action

June 27, 2008

 

July 7-11, 2008

 

July 7 – Unveiling of Giant Editorial, 11:00am, University of the Philippines, Philippine Collegian Rooftop, Vinzons Hall

                Let us collectively wield our pens and announce the Guild’s official stand through an editorial collaboratively written by editors and members from different campus publications.

                Theme: Campus journalists act now! Wield our pens against tyranny and corruption. Unite to defend the people’s rights and welfare.

                Mechanics:  Member publications and all those interested to participate are enjoined to contribute 1-2 sentences each for the collective editorial. Writing will be ‘rengga-style’ – one sentence/thought contributed will be followed by a corresponding sentence/thought from another contributor.  The National Office will provide a working outline as guide. Entries may be in English or Filipino.

                An egroup will be put up for this project. Please text in your email addresses to Karen, 09193078733 on or before June 25, 2008. Entries and contributions are welcome until July 4, 2008.

 

July 8 – Editorial cartoon exhibit launch, 11:00am, venue to be announced

                We are calling on all graphic artists to submit their editorial cartoons with socially relevant themes.

                Mechanics: Graphic artists must mount their entries on the black surface of a 1/8 size illustration board, plastic-covered, labeled with the name of the artist, campus publication and editorial cartoon title. Published or non-published editorial cartoons will be accepted. 

                Entries may be dropped at Rm. 305, National Press Club Bldg., Magallanes Drive, Intramuros, Manila, or contact Karla, 09273930753. Entries from the regions and provinces may also be mailed to the abovementioned address.

                Digital copies of your editorial cartoons must also be emailed (jpeg format) to cegpnational@ yahoo.com

                Please submit your editorial cartoons on or before July 5. Our target is to compile 77 editorial cartoons to commemorate the Guild’s upcoming 77th anniversary on July 25, 2008. The exhibit will run from July 8-July 25, 2008 in three different schools.

 

July 9 – Film showing and production work

                 SINAG, the official publication of UP Diliman College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, will sponsor a film showing and program for member publications. Details of the activity to follow.

                After which, members of the Guild are encouraged to join the production work of campaign materials, streamers and banners for the upcoming July 10 Youth Act Now! (Youth for Accountability and Truth Now!) National Day of Action.

 

July 10 – Youth Act Now! National Day of Action

 

July 11 – CEGP Cultural Night and Acquaintance Party, 6:00pm, venue to be announced

World stops for bereaved; lives are put on hold

June 27, 2008

MANILA, Philippines—The world has virtually stopped for the families of the missing passengers of the sunken MV Princess of the Stars.

Anxious, tired and worried, they have abandoned their regular routines and put their lives on hold for the round-the-clock wait for any word that the next batch of survivors or bodies found could include their loved ones.

Cielo Gaudel, 18, has not reported for work in a restaurant as she keeps vigil in Sulpicio Lines Inc.’s office at the North Harbor in Manila to wait for updates about the search and rescue operations.

Her mother Lucy, brother Barry and his wife Aileen, and her 7-year-old nephew Joshua Mijares were all on the ferry and were supposed to catch another ride to Butuan City after the ship shall have docked in Cebu.

Gaudel has been at the Sulpicio Lines office since Sunday, and the wait has been excruciating, especially since she thinks the shipping company has not been doing enough to help her and other relatives.

“A minute feels like an hour,” she said.

Feelings hurt

Gaudel expressed frustration that Sulpicio Lines had not made good on its supposed promise to bring the families to Cebu to check if their loved ones were among those whose bodies have been recovered. She said many relatives were banking on the shipping company to keep its word.

“Our hurt feelings are being hurt all over again,” she said.

Gaudel said she would accept the news that her loved ones were all dead. All she wanted was to recover their bodies to give them a proper burial. But a part of her was still hoping that they had been recovered.

Acknowledging that she could hardly sleep because of worry, she said she would rather remain at SLI to wait for news.

Gaudel has been asking other family members to bring her clothes and food at the Sulpicio Lines office, which she has made her new home since the tragedy.

Pictures of happier times

Outside the door of the Sulpicio Lines office at North Harbor, the walls and a board were plastered with pictures of the missing passengers, along with the contact numbers of their kin.

Several of the pictures were candid shots showing smiling people, taken during happier times and belying the possibly grim fate that had befallen them.

One colored photo showed four young, smiling girls whose ages range from 4 to 12 years old, and are named Kathlyn, Kyla, Korine and Klaris Nuqui.

Alongside their photograph was that of a 39-year-old woman named Helen Nuqui, presumably their mother.

Another photograph showed the smiling faces of Estrella and Rogelio Villaruel, aged 51 and 58, respectively. On the sides of the photo were the contact numbers of their relatives, who are waiting for word about the couple’s fate.

Legal action

With families despairing from the lack of any word about their missing kin, the Public Attorney’s Office (PAO) and the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption (VACC) Thursday offered to help them gain access to the recovered bodies to see if any of their loved ones were among them.

PAO chief Persida Rueda-Acosta met with the worried relatives at the Sulpicio Lines office Thursday and promised to help convince authorities to either bring the recovered bodies to Manila or to at least take pictures of these so that those in Manila could take a look at these.

If there was still no help, the PAO would take legal action against Sulpicio Lines, possibly filing petitions for recovery of bodies, habeas corpus, damages or replevin, a process in which seized items are restored to their owners pending the outcome of an action, according to Acosta.

She also said the PAO would help the victims file the class action suit that they were thinking of resorting to if no adequate help would come from Sulpicio Lines.

She said PAO, through the prodding of the VACC, tapped the help of the University of the Philippines’ independent forensic group to help in identifying the bodies.

VACC chair Martin Diño appealed to the Armed Forces of the Philippines and to AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Alexander Yano to provide aircraft for transporting the bodies to Manila.

Diño also criticized Sulpicio Lines for not taking immediate action to preserve the recovered bodies so that these would be identified.

He wondered why Sulpicio Lines did not send a helicopter to Romblon province immediately after news of the capsizing was broadcast to bring formalin, embalmer and body bags so that the bodies immediately recovered could have been preserved for identification.

Diño said pictures could have been taken using the cameras of cellular phones, and implored rescuers to do this.

Bodies first before P200K

He scoffed at the P200,000 reportedly offered to the families of the victims. He said before this was paid, the bodies had to be recovered first.

The presence of PAO and VACC officials seemed to enliven some of the families keeping vigil at the Sulpicio Lines office.

Families pressed around Acosta as she briefed them about what the PAO would do, clinging to hope that she provided. Pictures of passengers as well as contact numbers were pressed onto her hands, along with requests for quick action.

As Acosta advised relatives not to lose hope because there was still the possibility that survivors could be found, whispers of “sana nga” (I hope so) were heard from the crowd.(PDI)

Forensic expert bats for systematic examination of bodies

June 27, 2008

MANILA, Philippines—Dr. Raquel Fortun, a University of the Philippines pathologist, said there must be a systematic and detailed external examination of all the remains recovered while the soft tissues were still there for documentation and proper identification.

Fortun detailed the proper handling of the dead after monitoring—from news reports, photographs and video footage—some slips in handling the bodies retrieved from the sunken ferry.

She said she had seen a video footage of bodies in bags being laid down on a floor. “That won’t serve any purpose. You don’t show the dead to the people looking for their missing relatives because visual recognition is unreliable,” she said.

Retrieved bodies must be collected in one place where there is an examination facility attended by pathologists, or trained doctors, a dentist and a fingerprint technician from a crime laboratory.

The bodies must be separately bagged and labeled inside and out. Where it was retrieved and “which body came from where”—for instance, the body was retrieved from the first class dining area of the ship—must be carefully documented, Fortun said.

The gender and the estimated age (either adult or adolescent) must also be noted.

During the external examination, features must be identified in detail “from head to toe.” These include the color and the style of the hair, the dental structure, the clothing and its size, the presence or absence of birthmarks, scars, moles and tattoos, among others.

Any deformities must also be noted, Fortun said.

“There’s no rush to dispose of the dead. It is disturbing to have these dead people around but it is a misconception that the dead spread diseases,” she said.

Fortun said that before a body was to be buried, it should have undergone an examination for identification purposes.

She advised against allowing grieving relatives and families to directly identify their dead kin.

“It is subjective. Some of them are in denial so they are bound to make mistakes,” she said.

What they could do, she suggested, was to provide authorities with “ante mortem information,” or a detailed description of their missing loved ones. Authorities, would later on compare their notes with those provided by the families,” she said.

The forensic expert also disclosed that she would be flying in to Cebu on Friday to help in the identification of the bodies.(PDI)

Latest figures put death toll from Typhoon ‘Frank’ at 622

June 27, 2008

MANILA, Philippines—Its international name means “God of Wind” and the typhoon unleashed some of the ungodliest winds this country has seen in recent years.

Relief agencies Thursday said Typhoon Frank (international codename: Fengshen) had so far claimed 622 lives while displacing an estimated 2.4 million people in 14 of the country’s regions.

Of the fatalities, 498 were killed mostly in flash floods in 22 provinces, the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC) said.

The other 124 fatalities have been retrieved from the capsized ferry MV Princess of the Stars, the Philippine Coast Guard action center said.

The NDCC report Thursday put the number of missing in Frank’s wake at 263 and the number of injured at 288.

The death count rose sharply compared with Wednesday’s figures after reports came in from areas not previously heard from, officials said.

With more reports trickling in and with retrieval operations still going on near Sibuyan Island in Romblon province, where the ferry capsized, the death toll from Frank is expected to rise.

Forecasters baffled

Frank had followed what the weather bureau said was an erratic course in its sweep through the Philippines. On Tuesday night, it took another surprise turn and slammed on China’s southeastern coast.

Of the 498 fatalities recorded in incidents other than the capsizing of the Princess of the Stars, 221 have been identified, the NDCC said. Another 277 bodies have been recovered but their identities have yet to be established.

The NDCC said 416 of the deaths were registered in hard-hit Western Visayas. This includes the provinces of Iloilo, Aklan, Antique, Negros Occidental, Capiz, and Guimaras.

Reason for delay

Explaining the belated field reports, Office of Civil Defense administrator Glenn Rabonza said information on casualties, especially with respect to the identities of the dead, had to be cross-checked at the municipal, provincial, and regional levels before it was passed on to the NDCC.

Power and communication lines were also down in most of the ravaged areas, delaying the transmittal of information to the NDCC headquarters at Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City, Rabonza said in a phone interview.

Damage: P5.5B

The NDCC said that of the 2.4 million people displaced, 1.4 million were from Western Visayas.

In Iloilo alone, 673,088 people were affected by the flash floods.

The NDCC said the typhoon destroyed an estimated P5.5 billion worth of infrastructure and agriculture in Ilocos; Calabarzon (Cavite, Laguna, Batangas, Rizal, and Quezon); Mimaropa (Mindoro, Marinduque, Romblon, and Palawan); Western Visayas; Eastern Visayas, Western Mindanao, and Northern Mindanao.

Winnie and Reming

Regardless of its name, Frank has become one of the fiercest typhoons to strike the Philippines in recent years.

Typhoon Winnie in November 2004 killed 893 people, with 443 others missing.

In November 2006, Typhoon Reming also battered the country, causing 734 deaths, with 762 missing. With reports from Jocelyn Uy and PDI Research, and Agence France-Presse(PDI)

Editorial Cartoon: Politiko

June 25, 2008

Mga tantarado.

Editorial Cartoon: Flood’s Way

June 25, 2008

Mahigit 2 yrs nang ginagawa, ilang milyong piso na ang nagastos, isang malaking hukay pa lang din ang floodway project ng gobyerno.

Editorial Cartoon: Binaha

June 22, 2008

Nasaan na ang Flood Control Project?